PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER,
AND LESSONS-PART FIVE
(From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR)
A Journey from Khangi School to
Center for Excellence
Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao
Prefatory Note
(These reflections arise from close
observation and lived experience during a defining phase in the history of
Telangana. They are offered with deep respect for Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar
Rao, a leader of rare intellectual depth, political courage, and unwavering
commitment to the idea of Telangana. What follows is not merely recollection,
but an attempt to record how vision, resolve, and governance converged to shape
a people’s destiny.
While this narrative draws upon a
professional journey that spans eleven organizations and multiple institutional
settings, it consciously begins with the final and most consequential phase of
that journey. A brief reference to my academic formation is included at the
outset only to provide essential context, before the account moves directly
into the concluding chapter of my professional life.}
CM KCR often recalled the historical
injustices inflicted on Telangana with the precision of a contemporary
chronicler. He repeatedly described the Congress Party as the ‘Number one
villain’ of the State, tracing this assessment through specific historical
decisions, like Jawaharlal Nehru’s role in merging Telangana with Andhra,
Indira Gandhi’s abrogation of Mulki Rules, and prolonged delay by successive
UPA governments in addressing the demand for statehood. He categorically
rejected the notion that Telangana was created out of benevolence or affection.
In his view, the decision emerged at the eleventh hour, out of compulsion,
political calculation, and absence of any viable alternative.
Whenever KCR spoke about initiatives
such as Mission Kakatiya, Mission Bhagiratha, the re-engineering of irrigation
projects, comprehensive agricultural reforms, timely supply of seeds and
fertilizers, financial assistance to farmers, creation of crop colonies,
revival of hereditary professions, sheep distribution, Bathukamma saree
distribution, TS-iPass industrial policy, Telangana Ku Haritha Haram, KCR Kits,
and round-the-clock quality power supply, his emotions were evident. These
programs represented the fulfilment, and often the surpassing of promises made
during the Telangana movement. Observing this commitment at close quarters was
a constant source of inspiration for me.
The creation of the Telangana State
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Special Development Fund (SDF) was one of
KCR’s most thoughtful institutional interventions. Conceived as a dedicated
mechanism for planning, allocation, and utilization of funds earmarked for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the SDF aimed at accelerating their
development in a focused and accountable manner. The emphasis was not merely on
expenditure, but on achieving equality through economic empowerment,
educational advancement, human development, social security, and the
preservation of dignity, thereby promoting equity among these communities in a
substantive sense.
When KCR embarked upon the historic
and long-overdue exercise of survey and settlement of lands, with the objective
of correcting land records and putting an end to chronic land litigation, it
was a moment of particular satisfaction for me. Coming from a village
background and having witnessed first-hand the hardships faced by farmers, I
understood the significance of this reform. The clarity with which KCR provided
guidance, outlined the roadmap, and shared implementation strategies reflected
his determination to cleanse the revenue administration system and eliminate
the scope for corruption and avoidable disputes.
Strengthening Panchayat Raj institutions
consistently remained high on KCR’s agenda. He firmly believed that genuine
development must flow through local self-governance, and that the weakening of
Panchayat Raj institutions over time had contributed significantly to the
underdevelopment of both the State and the country. He frequently recalled the
vision of SK Dey, who had pioneered community development in independent India,
not as a mere administrative arrangement but as a people’s movement. In his review
meetings and public forums, KCR often referred to the recommendations of the
Balwant Rai Mehta, Ashok Mehta, GVK Rao, and LM Singhvi Committees,
articulating his vision of Telangana as a model State in Panchayat Raj
governance.
I distinctly remember October 26, 2017,
when KCR, as Leader of the House, displayed rare statesmanship at the
Legislative Assembly’s Business Advisory Committee meeting. In response to the
Opposition’s demand for a 20-day winter session, he unexpectedly proposed an
unprecedented 50-day session. The move not only demonstrated confidence in
governance and legislative accountability but also turned the tables on the
Opposition, leaving them visibly unprepared. It was a moment that revealed a
quality seldom seen in contemporary political leadership.
Another of KCR’s distinctive
initiatives was the KCR Kit, conceived as a comprehensive intervention
in maternal and child health. Under his direct guidance, the Health and Medical
Department designed the program with multiple objectives: reducing maternal and
infant mortality rates, ensuring quality medical care, compensating wage loss
for pregnant women, strengthening antenatal care, increasing institutional
deliveries, and curbing indiscriminate caesarean sections. The program was
implemented with clarity of purpose and administrative rigor, and its impact
soon became evident across the State.
In the third week of January 2018, K
Chandrashekhar Rao participated in an interview moderated by Rajdeep Sardesai
at the India Today Conclave held in Hyderabad. What made this
interaction particularly striking was that it was entirely extempore, there was
no prior preparation, and consent to participate was given at the last minute.
Despite this, or perhaps because of it, the interview unfolded with remarkable
clarity and confidence.
KCR asserted that the formation of
Telangana had heralded a great success story and made it clear that there was
no question of regretting the separation of the so-called Telugu identity at
any stage. In his view, no such homogeneous identity had ever truly existed. He
traced the creation of wealth in Telangana back to the Nizam era, firmly
anchoring the State’s economic history in its own distinct past.
Expanding on this theme, KCR stated
with conviction that Telangana was inherently rich and would emerge as the
richest State in the country, driven by the simple but powerful principle of
‘Grow, grow and grow.’ In a moment that reflected both confidence and openness,
he remarked that he would have no objection if Hyderabad were made a second
capital of the country, provided there was a national consensus on the concept
of having a second capital at all. He even added, with characteristic sarcasm,
that he would not mind if the entire country chose to come to Hyderabad.
These remarks, delivered without
artifice, reflected a leader comfortable with ambition and scale. What followed
was a lucid articulation of what KCR described as the Telangana Model.
He explained it not as a slogan but as a set of interconnected interventions:
identifying and nurturing human resources with a fresh perspective;
revitalizing the rural economy, treating sheep distribution as a ‘moving bank’
that created wealth rather than dependency, ensuring uninterrupted quality
power supply, providing Aasara pensions on an unprecedented scale, and
designing welfare schemes that used subsidization to lift people out of
vulnerability.
He spoke of how farmers’ suicides were
halted, confidence restored, agriculture rejuvenated, irrigation stabilized,
and minimum support prices ensured. At the same time, he emphasized preserving
Hyderabad’s character as the City of Lakes and the City of Pearls. Taken
together, these elements constituted the Telangana Model as he envisioned and
implemented it.
KCR also displayed exceptional clarity
regarding his relationship with the Centre and with Prime Minister Narendra
Modi, an attribute he often demonstrated in governance and one that, in my
view, every Chief Minister should cultivate. During the interview, Rajdeep
posed two pointed questions: whether KCR would concede that Sonia Gandhi and
the Congress had given Telangana, and whether his decision to contest elections
independently while building an equation with Prime Minister Modi amounted to
adopting a ‘Hyderabadi way of doing business,’ keeping all sides satisfied.
KCR’s response was distinctly
statesmanlike. He remarked that if he failed to conduct himself logically, he
would indeed be illogical. His primary interest, he emphasized, was the State
of Telangana and its people, not what he described as ‘silly politics.’ He
clarified that any Chief Minister was constitutionally bound to maintain a
cordial and constructive relationship with the Government of India, and that
such a relationship between the State and the Centre was both necessary and
desirable. He further stated that he maintained an equal distance from both the
Congress and the BJP, reinforcing his position of political independence.
Throughout the interview, KCR
exhibited his characteristic style of expressing views, explicitly, honestly,
and without defensiveness. This was a quality I observed and learnt from at
every stage of my association with him. When criticized for inducting members
of his family, his daughter, son, and nephew, into politics, and when Rajdeep
questioned whether this reflected ‘Telangana pride or family pride,’ KCR
responded but did not react.
KCR defended rather than denied. He
stated that it was he and his family who had led the Telangana agitation, gone
to jail, and later been elected by the people as Members of Parliament and
Members of the Legislative Assembly, but not nominated by anyone. He concluded
with a line that stayed with me and that I have often used contextually in my
own professional communications: ‘His family, he said, was Telangana itself.’
No comments:
Post a Comment