Threats to
representative form of government
Hans India
(06-06-2019)
Fair Governance
threatened
Millennium Post,
New Delhi (06-06-2019)
Vanam Jwala
Narasimha Rao
The path-breaking research titled “Poll Expenditure, the 2019 Elections” conducted by New Delhi
based Center for Media Studies (CMS) on the recently held general elections
signals threats to representative form of government according to SY Quraishi, a
former Chief Election Commissioner of India. Quraishi, in his introduction to
the CMS research, says that It reveals the linkages between election
expenditure and the exorbitant levels of corruption that citizens have to bear
within the next five years while availing basic public services. The report has
been brought in the form of a monograph and was released in Delhi couple of
days ago in the presence of several luminaries.
CMS which has 30
years of active and hectic pursuits, as an independent institute and research-based
think-tank, headed by Dr N Bhaskar Rao as its Chairman, has been studying
election campaigns and election expenditure for over two decades. CMS many a
times indicated that election time expenditure is mother of all corruption in
the country. The details of the report are quite interesting.
The report says
that the 2019 election, the process of which stretched over 75 days, emerges to
be the most expensive election ever, anywhere. In this election the number of
voters increased to 902 million and the number of polling booths to over a
million, but the overall voter turnout was not that impressive. Never before
the candidates, leaders and parties, and even the news media, were so much in
violation of model code of the Election Commission of India (ECI). Throughout
the campaign period, news channels showed intensely and frequently of
confiscation of cash, gold, silver, liquor, etc. observed the report.
The number of
millionaire candidates contested in the elections continued to be prominent, as
was the case of those with criminal background. A high percentage of voters
acknowledged or confirmed themselves receiving cash for their vote directly for
the first time. It is confirmed that direct bank transfer of money on the eve
of poll has become a new route to lure voters in the name of one or more
schemes by government.
Instances were
more of some key party functionaries referring to the amount spent by their own
party, how much voters were paid and how much all parties together spent. The
other development which contributed for increased poll expenditure include
introduction of electoral bonds to facilitate contribution of corporates for
poll funding in anonymity, removal of ceiling on corporate contribution, allowing
contribution of foreign corporate in India for campaigns, etc.
ECI has elaborate
system of surveillance and tracking at district level, local level and other levels.
How is all this information is being used and what action taken for violations
and excesses either in the earlier or recent elections was not clear. In fact,
in the recent elections ECI further strengthened its apparatus, including by
appointing more expenditure observers from income tax and revenue departments.
It confiscated twice more cash, gold, liquor, than in 2014. But there is no
evidence that those initiatives made much difference on the expenditure on poll
campaigns.
This poll
witnessed considerable hectic campaigning a couple of weeks before the ECI
notification on March 10, 2019. That expenditure also deserved to be included.
This includes expenditure on advertising in media in the specific context of
elections. Of course, there were some channels both at the Centre and in some States,
who continued even after the ECI notification as dedicated propaganda entities.
Then there were solo hour-long interviews on different national channels in
between the poll phases of special poll relevance. The dilemma was whether
these costs were to be included?
CMS has evolved a
PEE approach (Perceptions, Experiences and Estimation) of enquiry, to
reasonably arrive at what goes in or involved in different activities at
different points of campaign and category of pockets or different
constituencies. It was this PEE model approach, which helped to come up with
more reliable estimates on corruption involving citizen in availing basic
public services. Based on primary and secondary inputs, assumptions were made
about what percent of voters were distributed and how much was distributed per
voter elaborated the report.
Fifteen to forty
percent voters were distributed in a sizeable number of segments, sub-segments
of constituencies. Amount distributed depended on the keenness of contests,
profile of candidates and the region. Even with in a constituency, there were
different levels. Although the number of candidates per seat were more than three
in most, expenditure of only two candidates in most seats was included. For the
other only a nominal expense for nomination and campaign was considered. All
were paid in cash. Some were offered promises, including positions or
patronage. Ten to twelve percent of voters acknowledged receiving cash
directly. But two-third acknowledged that voters around them also received cash
for their vote.
On an average,
nearly Rs 100 crores per Lok Sabha constituency, has been spent. Overall, it is
estimated about Rs 700 per vote was spent. As the number of candidates who are
millionaire and with business interest has been on increase in the recent
elections, a higher percent of expenditure is being borne by candidates
themselves. There are many cases of candidates contributing to the party or and
meeting some campaign costs of some other candidates as well. Some candidates
are funded by the party. More than one-third of all poll expenditure could be
described as unaccounted for.
According to the
report, in 20 years, involving six elections to Lok Sabha between 1998 and
2019, the election expenditure had gone up by around six times from Rs. 9,000
crores to around Rs. 55,000 crores. It is interesting to see how the ruling
party gears up to spend much more than other parties in Lok Sabha poll. The BJP
spent about 20% in 1998 against about 45% in 2019 out of total poll expenditure
estimate of Rs. 9,000 crores to Rs. 55,000 crores. Congress party’s share was
40 percent of total expenditure in 2009, against 15 to 20 percent in 2019.
In majority
districts of Andhra Pradesh voters were paid together for Assembly and Lok
Sabha. In AP, four (of 13) districts (two in Godavari, Krishna and Guntur
districts) more than half of voters were paid on an average and paid anywhere
between Rs 1000-2000 per vote. CMS estimated Rs 5,000 crores expenditure for
the Assembly poll in Telangana in December. As voters were disbursed money in
the Assembly polls, this Lok Sabha poll involved a lower percent of
expenditure.
CMS feels that, except
symbolic confiscations at some places there was no stern initiative of ECI.
Unless it demonstrates it powers, it cannot expect to make the difference. If
ECI remains a silent spectator when parties and candidates do not observe its
directives, what is its sanctity? It is high time that Parliament deliberates
on poll expenditure for campaigns, and about election funding, preceded by
serious national discussions.
As political
party and candidates and even the governments are not enthusiastic to curb and
curtail poll expenditure, it is for citizen and civil society to take up the
issue concluded CMS.
According to Suresh
P Prabhu former Union Cabinet Minister, CMS report quantifies something we know
about that money is used to lure voters. But not as an issue threatening the
very free and fair character of our elections. The scale of this menace as
revealed here should scare every right-thinking citizen of the country.
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