PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, AND LESSONS-PART TWELVE (From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR) ........ A Journey from Khangi School to Center for Excellence : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, 

AND LESSONS-PART TWELVE

(From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR)

A Journey from Khangi School to

Center for Excellence

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

Prefatory Note

(These reflections arise from close observation and lived experience during a defining phase in the history of Telangana. They are offered with deep respect for Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao, a leader of rare intellectual depth, political courage, and unwavering commitment to the idea of Telangana. What follows is not merely recollection, but an attempt to record how vision, resolve, and governance converged to shape a people’s destiny.

While this narrative draws upon a professional journey that spans eleven organizations and multiple institutional settings, it consciously begins with the final and most consequential phase of that journey. A brief reference to my academic formation is included at the outset only to provide essential context, before the account moves directly into the concluding chapter of my professional life.}

Similarly, KCR’s foray into national politics was not a sudden shift but a structured ideological extension of his long-held conviction that India’s federal structure required meaningful correction. His articulation consistently centered on strengthening States, decentralizing power, and restoring what he described as the true spirit of cooperative federalism. Drawing from constitutional provisions, fiscal relations, and administrative experience, he argued that excessive centralization weakened both governance and development outcomes.

His national outreach emerged from this philosophical base, not merely from electoral arithmetic, and was presented as a reformist national framework rather than a routine political experiment. A recurring theme in his national articulation was the imbalance between the Union and the States in financial control, subject allocation, and policy autonomy. KCR repeatedly questioned why critical sectors such as agriculture, health, education, rural development, and welfare administration should remain under central dominance or concurrent control.

KCR advocated structural rethinking of the Union, State, and Concurrent Lists, proposing a sharper and more rational distribution of responsibilities. His speeches and consultations positioned this not as confrontation but as corrective federal redesign necessary for faster and more context-sensitive governance. The call for a ‘Qualitative Change in Indian politics’ became the central slogan of his national initiative. He argued that post-Independence governance had largely rotated between two national parties with limited structural transformation.

According to his formulation, change should not mean replacement of one ruling party by another but redesign of policy direction, economic leveraging, infrastructure priorities, and social justice frameworks. He spoke of national regeneration through administrative reform, agricultural investment support, water resource optimization, and large-scale infrastructure modernization modeled on global best practices.

From this ideological foundation emerged his proposal for a non-BJP, non-Congress national alternative, often described in early articulation as a Federal Front. His consultations with several regional leaders and policy thinkers were intended to test the viability of a broad-based platform built on development, decentralization, and institutional reform. Importantly, he emphasized that such an initiative should not be a temporary electoral front but a policy-driven national force with a defined growth agenda.

Collective leadership, issue-based alignment, and people-centric development were repeatedly stressed as guiding principles. Another major dimension of this national vision was economic leveraging, using India’s natural resources, water systems, agriculture, and demographic strength more intelligently. KCR frequently cited underutilization of river waters, infrastructure gaps, logistics inefficiencies, and uneven fiscal mechanisms as indicators of systemic failure. His proposals included national water grid thinking, agricultural investment support, permanent finance commission mechanisms, and reform-oriented fiscal strategies.

The argument was that without structural economic redesign, political change alone would not produce meaningful national progress. My association with this phase was more of intellectual rather than professional. While serving as CPRO to the Chief Minister, I had the opportunity to closely observe, document, interpret, and communicate these evolving national positions. In addition to official communication responsibilities, I independently analyzed Centre–State relations and the federal discourse through researched writings.

I wrote a book (Genesis of BRS) released by CM KCR, documenting these developments, which were not merely descriptive but interpretative, placing contemporary events within constitutional, political, and administrative context for future readers and policy observers. The documentation effort aimed to preserve a chronological and thematic record of how a regional movement leader transitioned into a national policy voice advocating federal restructuring and governance reform.

It sought to capture speeches, policy positions, consultations, and ideological arguments in an organized narrative form. My satisfaction lay in ensuring that both supporters and critics, present and future, would have access to a structured account of the ideas, arguments, and intentions behind this national political initiative, beyond day-to-day media interpretations.

The later evolution of TRS into BRS, the Bharat Rashtra Samithi, represented the formal political expression of this national ambition. Whether this strategic transformation achieves its intended historic significance will ultimately be judged by time and outcomes. As CPRO to the Chief Minister during a substantial part of this journey, I derive immense satisfaction in having documented this transition and its intellectual foundations carefully and faithfully for future generations as well as for present-day critique, either appreciative or critical.

Governance in India and its states often walks a tightrope between intent and interpretation. The dynamic role of a Chief Minister can turn even well-structured efforts into flashpoints of controversy. Critics seize on these moments, narratives get hijacked, and the true essence of governance is obscured.

As Chief Public Relations Officer to two Highly Knowledgeable Chief Ministers during 1989-90 and 2014-23, who led the first and second phases of Separate Telangana Agitations, I witnessed firsthand, the unseen strain, meticulous preparation, and strategic coordination behind routine looking, but mandatory official tasks, not to mention complex decision-making. Nothing was ever done casually.

Crafting of the Governor Speech delivered on Republic Day, Governor Address to the Joint Session of the Legislature, Budget Speech of Finance Minister, Chief Minister's response to the Motion of Thanks on the Governor’s Address, CM speech on the Appropriation Bill, or Statements made in Legislature, CM Independent Day Speech or State formation day speech etc. requires every sentence to undergo multiple layers of consultation, discussion, legal scrutiny, and data validation. I had the privilege of being part of this intricate process, guided academically, intellectually, and authoritatively at every stage from begin to finish by KCR.

These are not mere political monologues but sincere statements of intent, responsibility, and direction. Yet, public discourse often reduces them to selective sound bites or dismisses them with populist criticism. The deeper tragedy is that the very framework of Legislative Functioning remains largely invisible to the average citizen, and certainly to Fly-by-Night Operators. Well-backed development initiatives, supported by thorough reports and feasibility studies, are labelled as vanity projects or corruption avenues. And that was, is, and would be Democracy.

Alexandre Dumas coined the proverb ‘Nothing Succeeds Like Success,’ implicitly conveying the idea that success breeds further success. Another well-known saying, ‘Failures are the Pillars of Success,’ suggests that failure is life’s greatest teacher and an opportunity to build inner strength. Albert Einstein observed that ‘Failure is success in progress,’ provided one does not give up and continues to fight relentlessly. Similarly, Dale Carnegie professed that ‘Develop success from failures. Discouragement and failure are two stepping stones to success.’

In the Telangana State Assembly elections held in November 2023, the Congress Party led by Anumula Revanth Reddy emerged victorious, while the Bharat Rashtra Samithi, led by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao, faced defeat. In many ways, the proverbs cited above seem apt in this context. Revanth Reddy fought relentlessly, never giving up in his pursuit of victory, and ultimately achieved it. On the other hand, KCR’s setback may be viewed not as a final failure but as a ‘Suspended Success’ awaiting the right moment for a strategic comeback. The two impostors: ‘Triumph and Disaster’ offered contrasting yet instructive experiences to both leaders.

KCR, arguably the most successful Chief Minister of Telangana, had himself made an unsuccessful electoral debut in 1983 from the Siddipet Assembly constituency. However, he treated that initial failure as a suspended success and waited patiently for the right opportunity. That opportunity arrived just a year later, when he successfully contested from the same constituency in 1985 and entered the Assembly as a first-time MLA. From that point onward, his political journey became a sustained story of success: truly exemplifying the adage that Nothing Succeeds Like Success.’ 

KCR won consecutively four times from Siddipet between 1985 and 1999 and served in the Cabinets of NT Rama Rao and N Chandrababu Naidu, besides holding the position of Deputy Speaker. Following the formation of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) in 2001, his success story continued unabated. In the 2004 elections, he won from the Siddipet Assembly constituency for the fifth time and simultaneously from the Karimnagar Lok Sabha constituency. Retaining the MP seat, he became a Union Cabinet Minister in the UPA Government at the Centre. In 2006, KCR resigned as MP, challenged the Congress, and won the by-election, later repeating the feat. In 2009, he was elected to the Lok Sabha from Mahbubnagar.

In the 2014 elections, KCR was elected as an MLA from Gajwel and also as an MP from Medak. Under his leadership, the TRS emerged victorious by winning 11 of the 17 Lok Sabha seats and 63 of the 119 Assembly seats. He was sworn in as the first Chief Minister of Telangana on June 2, 2014. In September 2018, he dissolved the Telangana Legislative Assembly, and following a decisive mandate: 88 seats in the elections held in November 2018, he was re-elected as Chief Minister for a second term in December 2018.

Despite unprecedented wealth creation, inclusive prosperity, and what may be described as enabling governance that delivered exceptional growth across sectors, the electorate later favored the Congress Party. KCR thus experienced his second electoral defeat after four decades, losing one of the two seats he contested (Kamareddy), while winning the other (Gajwel). Perhaps, in retrospect, he gave the people more than what they needed, without a sufficiently calibrated scientific need analysis.

PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, AND LESSONS-PART ELEVEN (From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR) ..... A Journey from Khangi School to Center for Excellence : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, 

AND LESSONS-PART ELEVEN

(From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR)

A Journey from Khangi School to

Center for Excellence

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

Prefatory Note

(These reflections arise from close observation and lived experience during a defining phase in the history of Telangana. They are offered with deep respect for Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao, a leader of rare intellectual depth, political courage, and unwavering commitment to the idea of Telangana. What follows is not merely recollection, but an attempt to record how vision, resolve, and governance converged to shape a people’s destiny.

While this narrative draws upon a professional journey that spans eleven organizations and multiple institutional settings, it consciously begins with the final and most consequential phase of that journey. A brief reference to my academic formation is included at the outset only to provide essential context, before the account moves directly into the concluding chapter of my professional life.}

All the initiatives of KCR decisively affirm one enduring truth: leadership makes a huge difference: and that leadership was KCR. Apart from the initiatives and interventions already referred to, sometimes briefly, sometimes as demanded by chronology or continuity, two important dimensions of KCR’s leadership require special and focused mention. These aspects not only complete the governance narrative but also reveal the deeper architecture of his administrative thinking and political evolution.

The first relates to KCR’s far-reaching initiatives in District Administration, Land Administration, and Administrative Reforms, which fundamentally redefined the citizen–State interface in Telangana. These reforms went beyond routine restructuring and addressed long-standing systemic distortions, bringing governance closer to the people with clarity, accessibility, and institutional certainty.

The second concerns KCR’s felt need to enter national politics, rooted in his conviction that India’s federal structure required meaningful correction. This ideological journey culminated in the transformation of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) into the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS): a political reorientation driven not merely by electoral ambition but by a broader vision of cooperative federalism and structural governance reform.

Both these dimensions are detailed in the following sections. One of the most consequential governance initiatives undertaken during KCR’s tenure across his two terms was the comprehensive restructuring of district administration combined with a historic overhaul of land records management. These were not isolated administrative exercises but part of a deeper governance philosophy, to bring the State closer to the citizen and to bring certainty to land ownership.

KCR viewed administration not as a distant authority but as a responsive field-level presence, and land not merely as property but as the foundation of rural stability and economic dignity. From the earliest months of state formation, KCR repeatedly emphasized that Telangana required not just new policies but new administrative architecture. The inherited district structure was, in his assessment, too large, uneven, and historically distorted, making service delivery slow and supervision weak.

The reorganization of districts, mandals, and revenue divisions was therefore conceived as a people-centric reform. Accessibility, administrative reach, and local responsiveness were treated as core criteria, rather than mere territorial convenience or political arithmetic. The district reorganization exercise was carried out through a structured and consultative process.

A committee led by the Chief Secretary gathered field data, examined geographical, demographic, and logistical factors, and invited representations from the public and stakeholders. KCR personally reviewed multiple configurations, often drawing upon his deep knowledge of regional history and ground realities. What emerged was not just an increase in the number of districts, but a redesigned administrative grid intended to reduce distance between citizen and government, both physically and procedurally.

Parallel to this structural reform was an even more sensitive and transformative initiative, the purification and modernization of land records across the State. KCR treated land records reform as central to Good Governance. He often observed that uncertainty in land ownership lay at the root of rural disputes, litigation, distress, and corruption. The State therefore undertook a massive, time-bound, field-verified land records updating program, integrating survey, verification, correction, and digitization in a coordinated manner across villages.

What distinguished this program was its simultaneity and field intensity. Rather than incremental corrections spread over years, the government adopted a synchronized statewide exercise conducted village by village. Revenue teams, survey staff, and local verification mechanisms were mobilized in mission mode. The objective was not clerical correction alone, but legal clarity and administrative finality. The issuance of updated Pattadaar passbooks and title documents provided citizens with tangible proof of ownership, reducing ambiguity and dispute potential.

From my position in and around the Chief Minister’s Office as CPRO, I observed how closely this initiative was monitored at the highest level. Review meetings were detailed and frequent. Communication strategy was treated as integral to execution, because public trust and participation were essential for success. I was associated in the process both directly and indirectly, sometimes through structured briefings and sometimes through post-decision consultations, particularly in shaping public messaging, clarifications, and explanatory outreach around objectives and procedures.

KCR’s grasp of land and revenue systems, historical, legal, and administrative, was both deep and practical. He frequently referred to the evolution of land administration from earlier regimes to modern statutory frameworks, and insisted that reform must combine technological modernization with field validation. This blend of historical awareness and forward-looking design gave the program unusual coherence. It was not projected as a routine digitization drive, but as a structural correction of a long-fractured system.

The significance of the land records initiative drew national and international attention. Distinguished visitors and policy experts who interacted with the State leadership described it as a model of governance reform. It was characterized by some as representing the very ‘Heart of Good Governance’ because it addressed a foundational citizen-state interface, the land rights. Such recognition reinforced the view that Telangana was attempting not marginal improvement but systemic correction in core administrative domains.

Taken together, district reorganization and land records reform represented a governance reset aligned with KCR’s larger vision of decentralized administration, accountable delivery, and social stability. They demonstrated his preference for structural solutions over cosmetic adjustments. My association with these processes, whether through direct interaction, structured consultation, or communication stewardship, gave me a close vantage point to witness how vision translated into administrative design and then into field execution. It remains one of the defining reform chapters of his tenure.

My book on Telangana District and Land Administration released by CM KCR himself, was therefore conceived not merely as a descriptive compilation of reforms, but as an interpretative administrative record, placing district reorganization, revenue restructuring, and land records purification within their proper historical, institutional, and governance context.

It attempted to connect field-level reform measures with their policy origins, constitutional underpinnings, and administrative consequences. Drawing from close observation within the Chief Minister’s Office ecosystem, the work positioned these reforms as part of a larger governance redesign rather than isolated executive actions. The documentation effort aimed to preserve a structured and thematic account of how a newly formed State undertook deep district-level and land governance reforms in a time-bound, mission-mode framework.

It captured policy intent, implementation architecture, review mechanisms, field processes, and reform philosophy in an organized narrative form. My satisfaction lay in ensuring that administrators, researchers, and public policy observers, as well as supporters and critics, would have access to a grounded and coherent record of these transformative initiatives beyond routine news coverage and episodic commentary.

చిన్న జీయర్ వ్యాఖ్యలపై ఓ వైష్ణవుడి ధర్మాగ్రహం : వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

 చిన్న జీయర్ వ్యాఖ్యలపై ఓ వైష్ణవుడి ధర్మాగ్రహం

వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి దినపత్రిక (12-02-2026)

{నా వయస్సు 78 సంవత్సరాలు. ఈ వయోభారం నా మీద ఉన్న ప్రత్యేక బాధ్యతలను గుర్తుచేస్తూంటుంది. జాగ్రత్తగా ఆలోచించి మరీ మాట్లాడాల్సిన అవసరం ఉన్నదన్న సూచన...}– సంపాదకుడి క్లుప్త వ్యాఖ్య.

నా వయస్సు 78 సంవత్సరాలు. ఈ వయోభారం నా మీద ఉన్న ప్రత్యేక బాధ్యతలను గుర్తుచేస్తూంటుంది. కోపానికి ఆస్కారం లేకుండా, మతపరమైన వర్గీయ ఉద్రేకం కలగకుండా, అత్యంత జాగ్రత్తగా ఆలోచించి మరీ మాట్లాడాల్సిన అవసరం ఉన్నదన్న సూచన చేస్తుంది. చిన్ననాటి నుంచే వైష్ణవ సంప్రదాయానికి అంకితభావంతో ఉన్న సామాన్యుడిని. తత్త్వవేత్తనేమీ కాలేదు. నాన్నగారి నుండి సంక్రమించిన ఆధ్యాత్మిక వారసత్వం జీవన మార్గమధ్యంలో ఒకప్పుడు దారితప్పినా, మహానుభావుల సాంగత్యం లభించడంవల్ల తిరిగి సరైన బాటలోకి వచ్చాను.

ఆధ్యాత్మిక ప్రపంచంలో మార్గదర్శకుడు, ప్రేరణకర్త, శ్రీ శ్రీ శ్రీ త్రిదండి పెద శ్రీమన్నారాయణ జీయర్‌ స్వామి ఆశీస్సుల కింద ‘సమాశ్రయణం’ (పంచ సంస్కారం) పొందే సదవకాశం కలిగినవాడిని. ఈ దీక్షలో భుజాలపై శంఖం, చక్రం, గద, పద్మం అనే దివ్య చిహ్నాలను ఆచారపూర్వకంగా ముద్రించడం (చక్రాంకితాలు) జరుగుతుంది. ఎప్పుడూ హిందూమతాన్ని కేవలం వైష్ణవ సంప్రదాయంగా మాత్రమే పరిమితం చేసి చూడలేదు, ఆచరించనూలేదు. ఆ అనుభవమే, నా ఆధ్యాత్మిక వ్యక్తిత్వాన్ని, నియమశీలతను జీవితాంతం నిలిచేలా మలిచింది.

శైవ, వైష్ణవ, శాక్త, స్మార్త తదితర అనేక ధారలు కలిసి ప్రవహించే ఒక విశాలమైన నాగరిక, ఆధ్యాత్మిక పరంపరగా, సజీవ వాహినైన ‘సనాతన ధర్మం’గా వైదిక తత్త్వాన్ని భావించాను. వైష్ణవ సంప్రదాయానికి కట్టుబడి ఉన్నప్పటికీ, హిందూ సంప్రదాయాలన్నిటినీ సమాన గౌరవంతో భావిస్తూ వచ్చాను. అందుకే, ఇటీవలి పరిణామాలు ఒక మౌనమైన విరక్తికి దారితీశాయి. ఇది ఉద్దేశపూర్వకంగానే అనాల్సి వస్తున్నది. ఇది కోపం కాదు, శత్రుత్వం కానేకాదు లోతైన ఒక విషాదం. ఒక అంతర్గత అసౌకర్యం మాత్రమే. దీనికి తక్షణ కారణం, త్రిదండి శ్రీమన్నారాయణ రామానుజ చినజీయర్ స్వామీజీ అలవోకగా, జగద్గురు ఆదిశంకరాచార్యుల గురించి చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యలు. ఇవి పలువురు చరిత్రకారులను, పండితులను, వివిధ సంప్రదాయాలకు చెందిన నిష్ఠాగరిష్ఠ భక్తులను కలవరపరిచాయి.

ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు ఘనమైన వైష్ణవ భక్తుడని, ఆయన నాలుగు శంకర పీఠాలను స్థాపించనేలేదని, శతాబ్దాల తరువాత విద్యారణ్యులు స్థాపించారని, చినజీయర్ స్వామి వ్యాఖ్యలుగా సామాజిక మాధ్యమాలలో విమర్శలతో సహా చక్కర్లు కొడుతున్నాయి. అద్వైత వేదాంతాన్ని ప్రచారం చేసిన తరువాత ఆదిశంకరులు చిన్న వయస్సులోనే హిమాలయాలకు పోయి సమాధి పొందారని ప్రతీతి. ఆ ఆచార్యోత్తముడితో అనుసంధానించబడే శంకర పీఠాల వ్యవస్థకు ఆయనకు సంబంధంలేదనేది జీయర్ స్వామి వ్యాఖ్యల సారాంశం. ఒక నాగరిక దృష్టికోణంలో ఆయన వ్యాఖ్యలను పరిశీలన చేసి విశ్లేషిస్తేనే నా ఆవేదన అవగతమౌతుంది. ఈ వ్యాఖ్యలు సత్యమా, అసత్యమా అన్నది పక్కనపెడితే, ఆదిశంకరాచార్యుల పట్ల అపార భక్తి కలిగిన అనేకమంది మనోభావాలను అవి గాయపరిచాయన్నది మాత్రం వాస్తవం.

ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు దక్షిణంలో శృంగేరి, పశ్చిమంలో ద్వారక, తూర్పున పూరీ, ఉత్తరంలో జ్యోతిర్మఠం అనే నాలుగు పీఠాలను స్థాపించిన జగద్గురువుగా గుర్తింపు పొందిన మహనీయుడు. ఇవి భారత ఉపఖండమంతటా వేదాధ్యయనాన్ని, ఆధ్యాత్మిక క్రమశిక్షణను, ఐక్యతను కాపాడే ఆధ్యాత్మిక మౌలిక స్తంభాలుగా భావితమయ్యాయి. ఆదిశంకరుల జీవన కాలానికి సంబంధించిన వివరాలలో చరిత్రకారుల అభిప్రాయాలు ఒకింత భిన్నంగా ఉన్నాయి. అయితే అద్వైత చింతనాభివృద్ధిలో ఆదిశంకరుల ప్రాథమిక కీలక పాత్రను గానీ, శంకర పీఠాల వ్యవస్థతో ఆయన అనుసంధానాన్ని గానీ చరిత్రాధ్యయనం ఎప్పుడూ గంభీరంగా ప్రశ్నించలేదు. ఉపనిషత్తులు, భగవద్గీత, బ్రహ్మసూత్రాలపై ఆయన వ్యాఖ్యానాలు ఇప్పటికీ హిందూ ధర్మానికి కేంద్ర స్తంభాలు.

మధ్య యుగాలలో హిందూ ధార్మిక సంస్థలను పునరుజ్జీవింపజేసిన మహనీయుడిగా విద్యారణ్యులను గౌరవిస్తారు. కానీ శంకర పీఠాలను ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు కాదు, విద్యారణ్యులే స్థాపించారన్న వాదన సాధారణంగా అంగీకృతమైన చారిత్రక లేదా సంప్రదాయ కథనంలో భాగంగా కనిపించదు. అయితే, ఆ వాదన కంటే ఎక్కువగా కలవరపెట్టే అంశం: అలాంటి వ్యాఖ్యల ధోరణి, దిశ. సంప్రదాయ భేదాల ముసుగులో ఒక మహత్తర సామూహిక ఆధ్యాత్మిక వారసత్వాన్ని, వర్గీయ వ్యాఖ్యానాల ద్వారా తగ్గించినట్టు అనిపించినప్పుడు, సనాతన ధర్మంలో అనవసర విభేదాలు పుట్టే ప్రమాదం ఉంటుంది. అవసరమా?

జగద్గురువుగా ప్రసిద్ధికెక్కిన ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు వైష్ణవులు, శైవులు, స్మార్తులు తదితర అన్ని సంప్రదాయాల వారిచే సమరీతిలో గౌరవింపబడుతూ వచ్చిన ఐక్యతా ప్రతీక. వైష్ణవ క్రమశిక్షణలో పెరిగినవాడినైనా, విశాలమైన హిందూ నాగరిక దృష్టికోణానికి కట్టుబడి ఉన్నవాడిగా, ఈ పరిణామం ఒక అసహజమైన అశాంతిగా భావన కలుగుతున్నది. తరతరాల ముందు, మన పూర్వీకులు, వేదవేదాంత విజ్ఞానులు, ఎంతో జాగ్రత్తగా నిర్మించి, పదిలపరచి, కాపాడుకుంటూ వచ్చిన ఒక వంతెన, విభిన్న మార్గాలు పరస్పరం తమ న్యాయబద్ధతను నిరాకరించకుండా సహజీవనం చేయడానికి వీలైన పటిష్టమైన వంతెన, ఇప్పుడు బలహీనపడుతున్నట్టుగా అనిపిస్తోంది.

ఈ ఆలోచనలు ఎలాంటి దాడి కాదు. పోటీ భావంతో పుట్టిన ప్రతివాదనా కానేకాదు. ఇవి ఒక నిబద్ధ వైష్ణవుడి ధార్మిక ధర్మాగ్రహం మాత్రమే. వయస్సు, అనుభవం, విశ్వాసం నుంచి పుట్టిన ఒక వినయపూర్వక విజ్ఞప్తి మాత్రమే. ఆధ్యాత్మిక చరిత్రను ఆడంబరమైన వ్యాఖ్యానాలతో కాకుండా వినయ విధేయతలతో చూసే ఒక సామూహిక వారసత్వాన్ని, సనాతన ధర్మాన్ని కాపాడాలన్న తపన, ఆవేదన మాత్రమే.అభిప్రాయభేదాలకు ఆస్కారం ఇస్తూనే, సాధారణ తత్త్వజ్ఞానాన్ని చెరిపేయని పరంపర కారణానే సనాతన ధర్మం సజీవ వాహినిగా నిలిచింది. ఆ సున్నితమైన సమతౌల్యాన్ని మనం కోల్పోకూడదు.

అద్వైత, విశిష్టాద్వైత, ద్వైత... ఈ మూడు ప్రధాన వేదాంత సంప్రదాయాల వర్తమాన ప్రతినిధులను, ఆచార్యులను సందర్శించే, ఆశీస్సులు పొందే భాగ్యం నాకు పలుమార్లు లభించింది. అద్వైతానికి చెందిన జగద్గురు శృంగేరి విదుశేఖర భారతి స్వామి, కంచి కామకోటి జగద్గురు శంకర విజయేంద్ర సరస్వతి స్వామి, విశిష్టాద్వైతానికి చెందిన త్రిదండి చిన్న జీయర్ స్వామి, ద్వైతానికి చెందిన  మంత్రాలయ సుబుధేంద్ర తీర్థ స్వామి: ఈ నలుగురు మహనీయులతో కలయిక సాధారణ సమావేశాల్లా కాకుండా, సజీవమైన ఆధ్యాత్మిక సాధన పరంపరలోకి మెల్లగా ప్రవేశింప చేసిన అనుభూతిలా అనిపించాయి.

ఆ అనుభవాల ద్వారా స్పష్టంగా అర్థమైంది ఏమిటంటే, భారత తత్వశాస్త్రం గతానికి చెందిన ఒక అవశేషం కాదు, అనాది నుంచి నేటిదాకా ప్రవహిస్తున్న సజీవధార. ఆ ధారను ముందుకు తీసుకువెళ్తున్న మహనీయులు తమ విజ్ఞానాన్ని గంభీరతతోనే కాకుండా, కృపతో, సంయమంతో జీవింపజేస్తున్న ప్రతినిధులు. వారితో మాట్లాడుతుంటే, సజీవమైన ఆధ్యాత్మిక సంప్రదాయాన్ని ప్రత్యక్షంగా అనుభవించినట్లుగా భావన కలగడం సహజం. ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు, రామానుజాచార్యులు, మధ్వాచార్యులు ఆదిలో కానీ, కాలగమనంలో కానీ, వారివారి తత్త్వ జ్ఞానాన్ని నలుదిక్కులా ప్రసరింపజేశారే కానీ, పరస్పర ప్రత్యర్థులుగా వ్యవహరించలేదు.

ఈ ముగ్గురు మహా ఆచార్యులు తమ తమ కాలాల ఆధ్యాత్మిక అవసరాలకు స్పందనగా అవతరించారు. విభజన, అయోమయం వ్యాప్తిలో ఉన్న కాలంలో శంకరాచార్యులు అద్వైత వేదాంతాన్ని ప్రతిపాదించి ఆత్మజ్ఞానాన్ని వెలిగించారు. అదే ఏకత్వ దర్శనం. ఉపనిషత్తుల ఆత్మజ్ఞానంపై, అంతర్గత మేల్కొలుపుపై ఆయన పునఃప్రాధాన్యాన్ని నెలకొల్పారు. వివిధ దేవతారూపాలను, క్రమబద్ధమైన తర్కాన్ని, ఆధ్యాత్మిక సాధనను సమన్వయపరిచే ఒక విశాల సమ్మేళనాన్ని ఆయన తత్వం అందించింది. వేదజ్ఞానాన్ని సంరక్షించి, తరతరాలకు అందించే స్థిరమైన పీఠాల ఆవిర్భావానికి అది దారితీసింది. అద్వైత తత్వహృదయంలో, సర్వసత్త్వంలో నిగూఢంగా ఉన్న ఏకత్వ ప్రకటన ఉంది.

రామానుజాచార్యులు విశిష్టాద్వైతం ద్వారా భక్తి, ప్రపత్తి మార్గాలను ప్రజలందరికీ అందించారు. భక్తి భూమికను పూర్తిగా పునర్నిర్మించారు. బ్రహ్మన్‌ ఏకత్వాన్ని అంగీకరిస్తూనే, జగత్తు యథార్థతను, జీవాత్మ వ్యక్తిత్వాన్ని ఆయన సమర్థించారు. ఈ రెండింటినీ పరాత్పరుడైన శ్రీమన్నారాయణుడితో గాఢమైన సంబంధంలో బంధించారు. ఆయన వారసత్వం తత్వశాస్త్రంలో మాత్రమే కాదు, సమర్పణ, సమావిష్కరణతో ఆకారమొందిన సముదాయాల్లోనూ నిలిచింది. ఏకత్వం అనేది భేదాన్ని సౌమ్యంగా ఆమోదించగలదన్న సత్యాన్ని స్పష్టంగా తెలియజేసింది. ఫలితంగా భక్తి, ప్రపత్తి మార్గాలు సామాన్యులకూ అందుబాటులోకి వచ్చాయి. సామాజిక అడ్డంకులను దాటుతూ, భక్తిని జీవనంలో ఆచరించే కరుణగా మారుస్తూ, ఆయన దృక్కోణం విస్తరించింది.

మధ్వాచార్యులు ద్వైత వేదాంతాన్ని ప్రతిపాదించారు. దేవుడు, జీవుడు, పదార్థం మధ్య నిత్యమైన భేదాన్ని స్థాపిస్తూ, భేదం లోపం కాదు, భక్తిని అర్థవంతం చేసే దైవ సంకల్పం అనే విషయాన్ని బోధించారు. ‘పంచభేద’ సిద్ధాంతం ద్వారా విశ్వాసంలో వ్యక్తిత్వాన్ని కాపాడుతూ, విష్ణువుకు నిత్య సేవనే కేంద్రంగా కలిగిన ఒక దృఢమైన, వాస్తవోన్ముఖ భక్తిని అది ప్రేరేపించింది. రాఘవేంద్రస్వామి మఠం ద్వారా, ఈ సంప్రదాయం కొనసాగుతోంది. ఈ సంప్రదాయాలన్నింటి ద్వారా స్పష్టమయ్యేది ఒకే ఒక్క విషయం. అద్వైతం, విశిష్టాద్వైతం, ద్వైతం పరమసత్యంపై పరస్పర పోటీ వాదనలు కావు. ఒకే పరమసత్యానికి మూడు సంపూర్ణ వ్యక్తీకరణలు మాత్రమే.

అవి కలిసినప్పుడు జ్ఞానం, భక్తి, సేవ, కృప అనే సంపూర్ణ సాధన వలయం ఏర్పడుతుంది. నేటి కాలంలో ఈ ధారలకు ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహిస్తున్న మహనీయ పీఠాధిపతులు, మఠాధిపతులు వేదాంతం వాదన కోసం కాదు, జీవించడానికి ఉద్దేశించబడినదని తమ జీవితం ద్వారా నిరూపించి చూపిస్తున్నారు. ఈ దృష్టికోణంలో చూసినప్పుడు, విభేదాలను రెచ్చగొట్టే వ్యాఖ్యలు, వర్గీయ ప్రకటనలు చేస్తే, అవి ఏ ప్రయోజనాన్నీ అందించవు. సనాతన ధర్మం బలమంతా సౌహార్దంలో వున్నది.

అవగాహనను విస్తరించగలిగే ఒక కొత్త దృక్కోణాన్ని ప్రతిపాదించాల్సిన చోట, ఆదిశంకరాచార్యుల గురించి చినజీయర్ స్వామి చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యలు వినూత్న భావాలు, ఆలోచనలుగా కాకుండా అసందర్భంగా అనిపించాయి. వ్యాఖ్యల భావన ఏదైనా, సనాతన ధర్మానికి నిబద్ధులైన అనేకమంది భక్తుల్లో, వేదనను, కలవరాన్ని కలిగించాయి. సమతామూర్తి రామానుజాచార్యులు, మధ్వాచార్యులతో పాటు జగద్గురువు ఆదిశంకరాచార్యులు భారతదేశంలో జన్మించిన అత్యుత్తమ మహాత్ముల సరసన అగ్రభాగాన నిలుస్తారు. వారి ఆధ్యాత్మిక మహత్తు, తాత్విక ప్రతిభ, నాగరికతకు చేసిన సేవ, వివాదరహితమైనవి. నిస్సందేహ గౌరవానికి అవి ప్రతీకలు.

సనాతన ధర్మంపై విశ్వాసం కలిగిన వ్యక్తిగా, నేను కోరుకునేది ఒక్కటే. అద్వైత, విశిష్టాద్వైత, ద్వైత సంప్రదాయాల వర్తమాన ఆచార్యులు చినజీయర్ స్వామీజీ, శంకర పీఠాధిపతులు, మంత్రాలయ పీఠాధిపతి ఒకే వేదికపై ఆసీనులై, విశ్వహిందూ ధర్మాన్ని ప్రపంచానికి మరింత బలంగా పరిచయం చేయాలి. సనాతన ధర్మానికి కాపలాదారులుగా నిలవాలి. ఆ క్షణం వర్తమాన, భావి తరాలకు, తరతరాలకూ మార్గదర్శక దీపంగా నిలుస్తుంది. సనాతన ధర్మానికి తాము సంరక్షకులమన్న భావన ఈ మహానుభావులు కలిగించాలి.

PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, AND LESSONS-PART TEN (From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR) ...... A Journey from Khangi School to Center for Excellence : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, 

AND LESSONS-PART TEN

(From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR)

A Journey from Khangi School to

Center for Excellence

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

Prefatory Note

(These reflections arise from close observation and lived experience during a defining phase in the history of Telangana. They are offered with deep respect for Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao, a leader of rare intellectual depth, political courage, and unwavering commitment to the idea of Telangana. What follows is not merely recollection, but an attempt to record how vision, resolve, and governance converged to shape a people’s destiny.

While this narrative draws upon a professional journey that spans eleven organizations and multiple institutional settings, it consciously begins with the final and most consequential phase of that journey. A brief reference to my academic formation is included at the outset only to provide essential context, before the account moves directly into the concluding chapter of my professional life.}

Having witnessed KCR’s leadership from close quarters, particularly his decisive intervention in the long-neglected irrigation sector, I was repeatedly awestruck by the scale and depth of his vision. When he addressed a meeting after operationalizing the multi-stage Palamuru--Rangareddy Lift Irrigation Scheme (PRLIS) in September 2013, every word he spoke became a learning point in the domain of irrigation projects. As CPRO to the Chief Minister, I participated in a series of high-level reviews aimed at re-engineering and reviving irrigation infrastructure and was a direct witness to KCR’s relentless engagement, amounting, in my estimation, to well over three to four thousand hours of focused work.

KCR’s sustained efforts culminated in what we witness today in the form of fully, near-fully, or partially completed irrigation projects such as Kaleshwaram, Sitarama, Devadula, Sammakka Sagar, and Palamuru--Rangareddy. His strategy was clear: revive, re-engineer, and fast-track the completion of all pending projects. Overflowing tanks and reservoirs across the State stand as visible testimony to these spectacular achievements. Projects that had remained pending for decades, namely, Kalvakurthy, Bhima, Nettempadu, Koil Sagar, Yellampally, Mid Manair, Devadula, among others, were expeditiously completed.

Against this backdrop, even a brief, bird’s-eye view of projects such as Kaleshwaram, Sitarama, Devadula, Sammakka Sagar, and PRLIS fills every Telanganite with excitement, awe, and pride. The journey from where Telangana stood at the time of State formation to where it reached during the KCR regime represents a living, concurrent history, and a role model of best and next practices in the irrigation sector.

Kaleshwaram stands as the first true man-made (KCR-made) wonder, as the world’s largest multi-stage, multi-purpose lift irrigation project, formally inaugurated by KCR in September 2019. The project comprised the Lakshmi, Saraswathi, and Parvathi barrages, along with the Annapurna Reservoir, Sri Ranganayaka Sagar, Sri Komaravelli Mallanna Sagar, and Kondapochamma Sagar. The Sitarama Project was completed in a record time of just eleven months. Other notable initiatives include the Chokkarao Devadula Lift Irrigation Scheme, Sammakka Sagar Project, and the Tupakulagudem Barrage, each deserving detailed mention in their own right.

A special mention must be made of the Mega Kaleshwaram Project, from its conception to construction, each stage of which I closely observed and documented as CPRO, along with my team, while preparing press releases. Unfortunately, in an unforeseen development, when a small portion of the Lakshmi (Medigadda) Barrage bridge, forming part of this project, caved in during October 2023, a series of severe allegations followed. Repeated accusations pointed fingers at KCR, even alleging misappropriation of nearly one lakh crore rupees of public money.

While I may not delve into technical aspects, I can recall several non-technical dimensions as a participant in multiple review meetings in my capacity as CPRO. On March 20, 2015, during a significant review meeting chaired by Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao, at which I was present, KCR consciously articulated his vision to redesign and rename the erstwhile Pranahita--Chevella Project as the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project, with the objective of achieving optimum utilization of the waters of the River Godavari.

In the same meeting, KCR proposed locating the project at Kaleshwaram, the sacred confluence of the Pranahita and Godavari rivers, and constructing a barrage there instead of at Tummuidihatti, primarily to avoid potential inter-State disputes with Maharashtra. The presence of the revered Kaleshwara Mukteshwara Swamy Temple, dedicated to Lord Shiva, further added to the sanctity of the location. Within a couple of days, KCR met his Maharashtra counterpart and obtained consent for the revised plan.

This marked the genesis and formal conception of the Kaleshwaram Project, which stands well documented. The earlier Pranahita--Chevella Sujala Sravanthi Project was an inter-State initiative that faced objections from Maharashtra regarding the construction of a barrage at Tummuidihatti. The Central Water Commission (CWC), while assessing water availability at 75 per cent dependability, including unused flows from upper riparian States, also advised a re-examination of demand–supply dynamics, either through enhancement of existing reservoir capacities or the creation of new storage structures. Accordingly, the project was comprehensively re-engineered.

The Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation Project envisaged the construction of three barrages across the River Godavari, Lakshmi (Medigadda), Saraswathi (Annaaram), and Parvathi (Sundilla), along with their associated pump houses. The objective of this gigantic project was to bring new ayacut under irrigation while stabilizing the existing ayacut under the Sri Ram Sagar Project (Stages I and II), Flood Flow Canal, Singur, and Nizam Sagar projects. When Chief Minister KCR inaugurated the Lakshmi (Medigadda) Barrage in September 2019, my PRO colleagues and I were present.

The project also envisaged the supply of drinking water to en-route villages, the twin cities, and industrial requirements. It was a capital-intensive initiative involving massive investments in the construction of barrages, canals, tunnels, pump houses, and reservoirs, as well as electro-mechanical and hydro-mechanical equipment. Additional components included land acquisition, forest clearances, and comprehensive resettlement and rehabilitation measures.

On many occasions, I observed Chief Minister KCR in a jovial mood and seldom saw him unhappy, a rare reflection of his consistently positive and optimistic outlook. On one such occasion, I found him particularly happy and deeply honored when Hyderabad city won the prestigious ‘World Green City Award–2022’ at the International Association of Horticultural Producers (AIPH) event held in Jeju, South Korea. Hyderabad was the only Indian city selected then, for this honor and emerged as the overall winner across all six categories, surpassing global cities such as Paris, Bogotá, Mexico City, Montreal, and Fortaleza in Brazil.

The city also received the ‘Living Green for Economic Recovery and Inclusive Growth Award.’ Earlier as well, Hyderabad had been recognized with the ‘Tree City of the World’ awards for 2020 and 2021 by the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the Arbor Day Foundation. The city was also ranked the best city to live in India in Mercer’s ‘Quality of Living (India) Rankings–2019.’ These achievements were made possible by the massive plantation drives undertaken through various greening initiatives across Hyderabad city.

Good governance makes a difference, and the leader makes a huge difference: and that leader was K Chandrashekhar Rao. The transformation triggered by the unprecedented, inclusive, and all-round progress witnessed since the formation of Telangana on June 2, 2014, merits a detailed research study at institutions such as Harvard Business School. Every poll promise made, both in the first and second Assembly elections, was implemented in letter and spirit, and in several instances, the outcomes went far beyond the stated commitments.

When the State of Telangana was formed, it was engulfed by multiple crises: power, agriculture, and financial, plunging the nascent State into a vortex of uncertainty. At this critical juncture, K Chandrashekhar Rao assumed office as Chief Minister. From day one, his priority was to restore fiscal stability and correct systemic distortions. With focused attention on State finances, things began to move swiftly. Through frequent deliberations with financial, irrigation, and domain experts, KCR effectively kick-started a journey of recovery that steadily evolved into a phase of remarkable growth.

Telangana, which ranked among the lowest in the country in per capita income, per capita power consumption, and Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at the time of its formation, rose to a number one position nationally on several key indicators. Per capita income increased to ₹3,12,398, while GSDP expanded from around ₹5 lakh crore to over ₹13 lakh crore. Per capita power consumption reached 2,126 units, exceeding the national average of 1,255 units by nearly 70 per cent. Installed power capacity rose to 18,756 megawatts, with peak demand touching 15,497 megawatts: an unparalleled achievement. By every measurable standard, Telangana’s growth was inclusive.

Underpinning this transformation was an extraordinary degree of committed hard work: continuous brainstorming, expert inputs, scientific and precise planning, and the mobilization of financial resources from multiple institutions and sources. Above all, it involved constant persuasion and leadership at every milestone and turning point. Notably, in terms of advances and debt, Telangana stood at the 23^rd position, with 22 States ahead of it, a fact clearly borne out by Reserve Bank of India reports, which consistently indicated stable and sustainable economic growth.

The massive, ambitious, and truly gigantic Mission Bhagiratha, the Safe Drinking Water Supply Scheme, which supplied crores of liters of drinking water free of cost, stands as another unprecedented success of the KCR government. While rural households received free drinking water, urban poor households were provided tap connections for a nominal one rupee, a measure unparalleled anywhere in India. The Union Government itself placed this achievement on record in Parliament on multiple occasions, acknowledging the scale and success of the initiative.

With intellectual clarity, engineering insight, and relentless dedication, Chief Minister KCR, accompanied by domain experts, travelled to the nooks and corners of every district, climbing hillocks, surveying terrain, measuring contours, and extensively using tools such as Google Maps to identify optimal elevations from which water could flow by gravity. This painstaking groundwork resulted in a foolproof, infallible, and meticulously designed scheme, engineered to minimize power consumption and maximize gravity-based water flow, ultimately making Mission Bhagiratha a sustainable reality.

Mission Kakatiya rejuvenated, revived, and revitalized over 46,000 tanks across Telangana in a phased manner. Each tank was transformed into a functional reservoir, restoring irrigation potential and supplying water to the associated ayacut in villages. Importantly, Mission Kakatiya was neither an afterthought nor a scheme conceived post-government formation. It was the outcome of deliberate and decisive thinking that emerged from a series of intensive brainstorming reviews, undertaken even before the formation of the State of Telangana.

Initiatives such as Rythu Bandhu, Rythu Bhima, Dalit Bandhu, the Dharani Portal for seamless land registrations, the Green Fund for Telangana Ku Haritha Haram, transformative reforms in health and education including Kanti Velugu, KCR Kits, Basti Davakhanas, medical colleges in every district, residential institutions, overseas scholarships along with Aasara pensions, Kalyana Lakshmi, Shaadi Mubarak, double-bedroom housing, welfare programs for SCs, STs, BCs, minorities, women, Brahmins, employees, sweeping administrative reforms through new Panchayati Raj and Municipal Acts, sheep distribution, exponential IT and industrial growth, farmer platforms, and the Strategic Road Development Plan in Hyderabad, together define the Telangana Role Model. 

PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, AND LESSONS-PART NINE (From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR) ...... A Journey from Khangi School to Center for Excellence : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 PROFESSIONS, CHECKERED CAREER, 

AND LESSONS-PART NINE

(From Librarian to CPRO to CM KCR)

A Journey from Khangi School to

Center for Excellence

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

Prefatory Note

(These reflections arise from close observation and lived experience during a defining phase in the history of Telangana. They are offered with deep respect for Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao, a leader of rare intellectual depth, political courage, and unwavering commitment to the idea of Telangana. What follows is not merely recollection, but an attempt to record how vision, resolve, and governance converged to shape a people’s destiny.

While this narrative draws upon a professional journey that spans eleven organizations and multiple institutional settings, it consciously begins with the final and most consequential phase of that journey. A brief reference to my academic formation is included at the outset only to provide essential context, before the account moves directly into the concluding chapter of my professional life.}

A defining illustration of how KCR translated leadership by example into a bold social initiative was the conception and rollout of what came to be known as ‘Dalit Bandhu.’ This was not presented as another welfare measure placed within existing templates. It was articulated as a decisive corrective step, a structural empowerment proposition intended to shift economic agency directly into the hands of Dalit families.

I had the opportunity to observe how seriously and personally KCR engaged with the idea before it reached the stage of formal announcement. The emphasis was not on assistance but on ownership, not on relief but on enterprise, not on eligibility but on capability. The Huzurabad Declaration in this regard marked a turning point in the moral vocabulary of governance. It was more than a program launch moment. It was a statement of intent that social justice must move from promise to instrument.

I noticed that KCR treated Huzurabad declaration not as a political response but as a philosophical commitment. He spoke of rewriting starting lines rather than narrowing finishing gaps. The underlying thought was that empowerment should not be incremental where historical disadvantage has been foundational. That clarity of conviction shaped both the internal administrative direction and the external communication tone.

What distinguished Dalit Bandhu conceptually was the trust it placed in individual choice and entrepreneurial judgment. Instead of prescribing livelihood paths, it enabled families to decide their own economic direction. This freedom-of-selection principle, I remember reflecting in several communication drafts as CPRO, represented a deep respect for personal agency. It acknowledged that those who have lived deprivation understand best what stability means for them. Governance, in this view, was to become an enabler of decisions rather than a designer of dependency.

Another striking aspect was that the initiative was framed with dignity at its center. There was a conscious avoidance of ‘Beneficiary Language’ and a deliberate adoption of ‘Partner Language.’ I found this shift both subtle and powerful. It required careful narrative handling so that the public discourse recognized the difference. The program was positioned as confidence capital, an assertion that social equality cannot remain theoretical if economic independence is postponed. Leading by example here meant placing state faith ahead of social doubt.

I also observed that KCR repeatedly connected Dalit Bandhu to a larger social harmony vision. He would stress that true progress is indivisible, that when the most disadvantaged advance with strength, the entire social structure stabilizes. In several interactions and message formulations handled by my PR Team, this broader framing was preserved: empowerment of one section is not sectional gain but collective progress. The Huzurabad Declaration thus stood not merely as an initiative marker but as a governance philosophy marker, where example-based leadership chose courage over caution and transformation over tokenism.

The Dalit Bandhu Scheme heralded a new chapter in the history in Telangana and the concept was spreading like a wild fire in the country when KCR was as CM. Dalit Bandhu Scheme, heralded a sea change in the lives of Dalits and had become torchbearer for Dalits elsewhere in the country. An old adage says ‘Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day. Teach a man to fish, and you feed him for a lifetime.’ This was what exactly CM KCR did. Government was giving ten lakhs rupees to start a business of their choice. This was making them self-reliant economically and live with dignity and self-respect.

A necessary caution, which I feel compelled to record here as part of my own considered reflection, drawn from my period of association and observation as CPRO to CM, relates to the long-term consequences, if an initiative of this nature were to be discontinued or diluted by future governments. Transformational empowerment measures create not only economic pathways but also psychological turning points.

When a State publicly redefines the confidence level of a historically disadvantaged community and then retreats from that commitment, the setback is not merely administrative, but it is civilizational in sentiment. Expectations once elevated cannot be quietly lowered without generating disillusionment far deeper than the procedural criticisms that may have accompanied the program at inception.

Even where procedural debates, design refinements, or implementation challenges may legitimately arise, as they do with any pioneering social intervention, abandonment is rarely a constructive remedy. From what I observed while serving as CPRO to CM, the true value of such a scheme lies in its directional courage. It signaled that governance was willing to attempt structural correction, not just symbolic accommodation.

If such direction-setting initiatives are withdrawn rather than improved, the message conveyed to vulnerable communities is that bold promises are temporary and systemic trust is negotiable. That erosion of trust can cost more to rebuild than any operational imperfection would cost to repair. There is also a broader governance principle involved. When empowerment architecture is introduced, ecosystems, such as social, financial, and aspirational, begin aligning around it.

Families plan differently, youth think differently, and community leadership reorganizes its priorities. If continuity is broken, these emerging support structures weaken midway. In my reflective assessment, partly shaped by my communicative and interpretative role as CPRO, it would be far wiser for successor administrations, irrespective of political standpoint, to recalibrate and strengthen such empowerment models rather than discard them. Social advancement programs of foundational intent deserve evolution, not interruption.

A major transformation that I had the opportunity to closely observe during my tenure as CPRO was in the sphere of public health and medical education. His governing conviction was that durable healthcare reform must rest on a strong and widely distributed medical education base. At the time of Telangana’s formation, the number of government medical colleges in this region was limited, with only five, and mostly concentrated in a few traditional centers. KCR viewed this as both a capacity constraint and a regional imbalance.

He therefore moved with unusual clarity of purpose to expand medical education infrastructure as a core state priority rather than a peripheral sectoral addition. What followed over the subsequent years was a rapid and structured expansion that altered the institutional landscape itself. From the small pre-formation base, the number of government medical colleges rose to seventeen within a relatively short span, with a declared direction of eventually covering every district, including remote and tribal regions.

As CPRO to CM, I could see that, this was not treated as a prestige exercise but as a public systems intervention, linking new colleges with teaching hospitals so that medical education growth and healthcare delivery capacity advanced together. The intent was to reduce both educational migration and treatment distance through institutional decentralization. Equally significant was the broader ecosystem thinking that accompanied this expansion. Parallel emphasis was laid on nursing and paramedical education and on strengthening different tiers of public healthcare so that primary, secondary, and advanced services would not grow in isolation.

In several reviews and interactions that I participated, KCR stressed that health security must be locally anchored and professionally sustained. The journey from five government medical colleges at the time of State formation to a multi-fold expanded network thereafter stands as a clear illustration of his vision matched with administrative execution, another instance of leadership expressed through institution building rather than announcement alone.

Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao’s administrative brilliance led to an unprecedented turnaround in the power sector in Telangana. The State emerged as a role model, becoming the only one in the country to provide uninterrupted 24-hour quality power to all sectors from January 1, 2018, and 24-hour free quality power to the agricultural sector throughout his tenure as Chief Minister. It was truly an ‘Amazing Evolution in Nine Years on the Telangana power front,’ a phased transformation that I closely observed.

Prior to the formation of Telangana, high-tension lines, substations, and transformers were largely dysfunctional, with hardships such as low voltage and frequent electric shocks being routine. After assuming office on June 2, 2014, KCR accorded the highest priority to overcoming the power crisis and chronic shortages. I vividly recall the first major step in this direction, the signing of a Power Purchase Agreement with Chhattisgarh to procure 1,000 megawatts in November 2014, followed by an additional 1,000 megawatts in September 2015.

Within just nine months of its formation, Telangana became the first State in the country to supply uninterrupted 24-hour power to all sectors and nine hours of uninterrupted quality power to agriculture. While KCR provided the broad strategic roadmap, its effective execution was led by TRANSCO and GENCO under the stewardship of CMD Devulapalli Prabhakar Rao, a highly experienced power-sector expert with over five decades of domain knowledge. The installed power capacity, which stood at 7778 megawatts at the time of State formation, rose to 18453 megawatts.

The construction of the Yadadri Ultra Mega Thermal Power Plant, four units of the Bhadradri Power Plant, along with the Kothagudem and Jaipur Power Plants, targeting a combined generation capacity of over 28000 megawatts, reflected KCR’s thoughtful design and administrative foresight. During his tenure, Telangana recorded a peak power demand of 15497 megawatts, placing it first in the country. Per capita electricity consumption rose to 2126 units, which was 69 per cent higher than the national average.