Know the Twenty-Six Brahmin Dynasties in India in BN Sastri’s ‘Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam’ Book : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 Know the Twenty-Six Brahmin Dynasties in India

In BN Sastri’s ‘Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam’ Book

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao      

            The landscape of Indian historiography owes an immense debt to the late Bhinnuri Narasimha (BN) Sastri, a monumental scholar whose intellectual rigor reshaped the understanding of antiquity. Affectionately revered as ‘Shasanala Sastry’ (Master of Inscriptions), he ascended from a humble school teacher to a towering epigraphist and historian. Armed with an unparalleled expertise in decoding rare dynastic inscriptions, his life's mission was to uncover forgotten historical truths.

BN Sastri’s methodology, strictly grounded in empirical evidence, shines brilliantly in his seminal masterpiece, a monumental 700-page research treatise, Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam (Encyclopedia of Brahmin Kingdom), a work that fundamentally deconstructs long-standing historical narratives. BN Sastri, challenges one of the most persistent simplifications in Indian historical discourse: the conventional assumption that Brahmins historically functioned strictly as priests, scholars, advisers, or ritual specialists.

Drawing upon rigorous epigraphical data, dynastic records, puranic references, and corroborated material evidence, the book comprehensively documented twenty-six Brahmin Dynasties alongside numerous Brahmin kings and emperors who governed vast territories across the Indian Subcontinent for more than a millennium. BN Sastri systematically documented the cultural heritage and forgotten political lineages of the Deccan landscape. His relentless dedication resulted in multi-volume encyclopedia series, and the influential Moosi journal.

            Sastri’s central argument is not that Brahmins were naturally predisposed to monarchy. During civilizational crises, foreign invasions, or dynastic collapses, Brahmins stepped beyond conventional roles to assume vital military and imperial responsibilities. History recorded that they were custodians of knowledge, and at the same time, were ultimate defenders and restorers of states. Most of these rulers by beginning as ministers, commanders, or feudatories, strategically mobilized their administrative competence, intellectual discipline, and tactical vision to build powerful new kingdoms from the ruins of weakened regimes.

A striking pattern emerged thus. The foundational and most symbolic illustration of this paradigm is the Shunga Dynasty. Pushyamitra Shunga, a Brahmin military commander, replaced the last Mauryan ruler to establish a resilient new empire. His ascent proved that political authority follows capability rather than rigid social stereotypes. His rise demonstrated a recurring phenomenon: when apex institutions decay, those who master statecraft naturally become the architects of civilizational renewal. The Kanva Dynasty followed an identical trajectory.

Emerging from within the crumbling Shunga administration, these Brahmin ministers assumed imperial control in Magadha to sustain public order. Their transition reinforces a core lesson of Sastri's work: political continuity often endures because capable administrators step into the vacuum when ruling dynasties collapse. This cycle culminated in the rise of the Satavahanas, who eventually displaced the Kanvas to anchor the Deccan landscape. Gautami Putra Sata Karni stands out as the dynasty's model of recovery leadership.

Inheriting a fractured kingdom, he single-handedly revived imperial authority. His reign proved that historical greatness lies not in the mere acquisition of power, but in restoring institutions during systemic decline. The Satavahana legacy proved that intellectual traditions and martial capacity were not mutually exclusive. A community traditionally bound to learning could seamlessly produce empire-builders, strategic statesmen, and fearsome warriors when the geopolitics of the era demanded it.

The historical significance of the Southern Brahmin dynasties, including the Ikshvakus, Pallavas, Salankayanas, Brihatpalayanas, and Vishnukundins, reveal another dimension of political evolution. Territorial conquest was secondary. Sophisticated institution-building was primary. These southern sovereigns systematically built fortified capitals, expanded agrarian infrastructure, and patronized multi-faith religious traditions. Though deeply devoted to Vedic principles, they consistently displayed immense political pragmatism.

The passionately sponsored Buddhist monasteries and diverse faith communities. Consequently, this synthesis dismantled the misconception that state power and intellectual culture operate in isolation. These rulers uniquely fused uncompromising military might with the systematic advancement of education, architecture, and literature. Sastri framed the Gupta Empire as the most consequential manifestation of this thesis, characterizing its rulers as Brahmin sovereigns who pioneered a spectacular golden age of Indian civilization.

Rising from modest, regional origins, iconic monarchs like Chandragupta I, Samudragupta, Chandragupta II Vikramaditya, and Skanda Gupta transformed fragmented territories into a culturally vibrant, unified superpower. Samudragupta stands out as the ultimate exemplar of this civilizational recovery. Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam portrays him not merely as an invincible military strategist, but as a far-sighted statesman whose expansive campaigns actively preserved socio-political order and cultural confidence during intense regional fragmentation.

Sastri with examples illustrated that even the mightiest empires inevitably fracture when relentless foreign incursions, economic exhaustion, and internal rivalries accumulate. A profound contribution of his work is its refusal to romanticize history, illustrating that every dynasty, from the Shungas and Satavahanas to the Guptas, Vakatakas, and Pratiharas, inevitably traverses an identical cycle: emergence through merit, expansion through leadership, consolidation through cultural patronage, and eventual decline through complacency, factionalism, or external pressure.

Sastri depicted a recurring pattern that delivers a universal lesson: dynasties collapse not due to lineage or community identity, but because political vigilance disappears. Ultimately, the deeper significance of Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam transcends mere chronology, offering a necessary intellectual corrective to selective historical memory. While modern commentary frequently reduces Brahmins to static roles as ritual specialists or intellectual beneficiaries, Sastri’s evidence proves that civilizational leadership defies such rigid categorization.

Communities dynamically evolve, when conditions demanded scholarship. Yet, when survival demanded governance and warfare, they ruled and fought. This duality carries an implicit warning that extends far beyond dynastic history: societies that oversimplify their past inevitably misunderstand themselves. When selective memory replaces historical facts with convenient stereotypes, complex communities are reduced to flat caricatures. Brahmana Rajya Sarvaswam serves as a reminder that civilizations survive crises not through rigid social confinement, but through adaptive capability and versatile leadership.

The twenty-six dynasties documented in the book serve as a profound reminder that capability frequently thrives beneath convention, proving that intellectual authority, military courage, and administrative excellence can dynamically coexist within the same community. From Pushyamitra Shunga to Gautami Putra Sata Karni, and from the Vishnukundins to the Imperial Guptas, Sastri presents an unbroken continuum of sovereign leaders who shaped the subcontinent in ways systematically overlooked by mainstream narratives.

Eventually, this historical record delivers an enduring cautionary lesson: never assume any social group is permanently confined to a singular, static role. Indian civilization has repeatedly transformed under pressure, demonstrating that history is infinitely richer than popular assumptions. When existential circumstances compel action, communities long remembered only for learning can seamlessly reclaim their martial and political legacy, proving that while modern memory may easily forget such versatile capacities, history always remembers.

The disappearance of formal crowns did not signal the end of Brahmin leadership. It merely transformed its terrain. As dynastic power faded, this community seamlessly adapted, transitioning from imperial thrones to anchoring India's intellectual, administrative, judicial, and scientific architectures. From the Maratha Peshwas (Chitpavan or Konkanastha Brahmins) to Kashmiri Pandits like Motilal, Jawaharlal, and Indira Nehru (Karkun or Carcoon Brahmins), the overarching role of Brahmins has been exemplary.

While Motilal, Jawaharlal, and Indira Nehru fundamentally shaped the destiny of the nation before and after Independence, through resilient institutional foundations that will never suffer cracks, it was PV Narasimha Rao, a Niyogi Brahmin, who faithfully continued this grand trajectory nearly four and a half decades post-Independence. PV Narasimha Rao deployed his immense economic brilliance to lay yet another unshakeable foundation for contemporary India.

Alongside them, eminent Heads of State like Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and VV Giri, both hailing from the astute Niyogi Brahmin lineage, successfully steered the national leadership from hereditary rule into systemic institutional stewardship. This beautifully illustrates a continuous, centuries-old tradition of this specific community excelling in statecraft, governance, administration, and supreme leadership.

History delivers an uncompromising and prescriptive warning never to underestimate the illustrious Brahmin Community of India, whose deep influence is rooted in intellectual discipline and strategic adaptation. When modern socio-political shifts demand civilizational survival, Brahmins come forward and stand at the forefront, ready either to lead or to advise.

>>>>Photographs courtesy Rama Bhakta Vijaya Raghava Dasu

LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE: VALMIKI’S MASTERCLASS MANIFESTO >>>>> Valmiki provides a timeless blueprint For contemporary leaders to remain grounded: Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE

VALMIKI’S MASTERCLASS MANIFESTO

Valmiki provides a timeless blueprint

For contemporary leaders to remain grounded

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

The Hans India (June 21, 2026)

{The core of this governance model relies on the robust integration of intelligence and accessibility. A prescriptive mandate within the text demands that a leader must employ a vast network of emissaries to see beyond the palace walls, ensuring that decisions are rooted in ground reality rather than the filtered flattery of ‘unrelated and selfish persons.’ There is also a clear backward linkage to the dangers of isolation: a ruler who remains hidden in ‘inner chambers’ and delegates authority blindly to ministers essentially hands over their kingdom’s destiny to others} – The Hans India Editor’s Synoptic Note

In the vast expanse of world literature, few works possess the psychological depth and administrative foresight found in Valmiki’s Sanskrit Ramayana. Often revered as the Adi Kavya (The First Epic), its brilliance lies not just in the poetic narration of divinity, but in its unflinching analysis that offered an unparalleled intellectual treasure within its poetic narration of divinity, human nature, and power dynamics. Valmiki’s ‘Masterclass Manifesto on Leadership, Governance, and Personality Development’ as depicted in the Adi Kavya, is ‘Simply Great.’

One of the most striking, yet frequently overlooked, intellectual treasures within this Epic is the discourse delivered by a humiliated ‘Shoorphanaka’ to her brother ‘Ravana.’ Driven by resentment being disfigured by Lakshmana, Shoorphanaka’s arrival in the court of Lanka, where Ravana adorned with white whisks, royal white umbrella, glittering golden earrings studded with radiant jewels, massive face, gleaming white teeth, and shining brilliantly like flawless Gemstone was seated amidst his ministers upon a golden throne.

For Shoorphanaka it was more than a personal plea for vengeance. It was a scathing critique of a decaying regime. Through her fury, Valmiki articulates a timeless philosophy of Raja Dharma, the ‘Righteous Duty of the Ruler’ as the foundational Indian Model for Good Governance, prioritizing ethical conduct, rule of law, and public welfare over personal power. This treatise establishes a framework where the personal character of leader is the primary determinant of state stability.

What may be termed as, ‘Manifesto of Valmiki on Leadership, Governance, and Personality Development,’ it describes a successful leader as ‘Long-Sighted,’ possessing the intellectual clarity to ‘distinguish between friend and foe’ and the administrative vigour to engage personally with the mechanics of statecraft. By linking internal discipline to external authority, Valmiki suggests that a leader who fails to conquer their own desire and arrogance has already surrendered the moral right to govern, setting the stage for inevitable decay.

The core of this governance model relies on the robust integration of intelligence and accessibility. A prescriptive mandate within the text demands that a leader must employ a vast network of emissaries to see beyond the palace walls, ensuring that decisions are rooted in ground reality rather than the filtered flattery of ‘unrelated and selfish persons.’ There is also a clear backward linkage to the dangers of isolation: a ruler who remains hidden in ‘inner chambers’ and delegates authority blindly to ministers essentially hands over their kingdom’s destiny to others.

For governance to be meaningful, the leader must be the primary custodian of the treasury and the final arbiter of policy, ensuring that rewards and punishments are distributed with objective justice. Personality development, in Valmiki’s view, is the internal engine that drives this administrative machine. The manifesto describes the devastating impact of ‘unchecked ego’ on the intellect, warning that excessive indulgence in sensory pleasures acts as a cognitive poison, blinding the leader to approaching danger.

A leader is prescribed to cultivate a temperament that is terrifying to the wicked yet compassionate to the virtuous. This psychological balance ensures that authority is maintained through respect rather than mere fear. It establishes a forward linkage to the concept of legacy. A righteous leader who recognizes and corrects their own faults prospers in wealth and happiness, while the arrogant leader is eventually abandoned by the very relatives and servants who once upheld their throne.

Ultimately, this manifesto serves as a comprehensive warning that the collapse of power begins from within. It bridges the gap between the physical grandeur representing immense potential, and the moral decay that renders such strength useless. By emphasizing that ‘power accumulated without humility blinds,’ Valmiki provides a timeless blueprint for contemporary leaders to remain grounded. This document serves as a bridge, connecting the ancient ethical standards of Raja Dharma to the modern necessity for transparency, foresight, and ethical restraint, ensuring that the leader remains a servant of the people.

Valmiki’s description of Ravana is a study in contradictions. He is a polymath with ten heads, twenty arms, and a physique that commands the envy of gods. Yet, Shoorphanaka identifies a deep defect: Ravana had become ‘intoxicated by the arrogance born of physical power.’ In a modern context, this translates to the Leader’s Trap. In political halls, power often acts as a hallucinogen. When a leader begins to mistake temporary dominance for permanent security, they stop listening.

Shoorphanaka’s warning that a leader ‘immersed endlessly in pleasures of lust, without discipline, and without limits’ becomes a ‘fool incapable of perceiving perish itself’ is a sharp punch to the gut for any modern executive who prioritizes personal perks over organizational integrity. A leader who surrounds themselves with flatterers and comfort creates an echo chamber. Valmiki teaches us that the moment a leader becomes ‘insulated from reality,’ they lose their position long before they lose an election or a market share.

The Pillars of Modern Governance: Intelligence and Deliberation is yet another important revelation in Valmiki Ramayana itself. Shoorphanaka’s counsel touches upon the very mechanics of statecraft. She defines a ‘Long-Sighted’ leader as one who sees through the eyes of their emissaries. In the 21^st century, this is the imperative of Data and Ground Intelligence. A government that makes decisions based on the sanitized reports of a few favoured advisors is destined for failure.

Valmiki, through Shoorphanaka, emphasizes on: A leader must not hand over authority blindly. Acting without ‘thoughtful deliberation’ is the hallmark of a failing state. A leader who ‘remains hidden within the inner chambers’ and does not appear before the people when needed loses the moral right to rule. Governance is not a spectator sport, but it requires the leader to be the primary processor of reality, not a passive consumer of filtered information.

The Ramayana posits that the external world is a reflection of one’s internal state. Valmiki’s dialogue subtly touches on Personality Development by highlighting the necessity of restraint and self-correction. Shoorphanaka observes that ‘excessive indulgence in pleasures destroys the strength of a leader’s intellect.’ This is a timeless psychological truth. When leader loses the ability to distinguish right from wrong due to personal desires, the ‘stately responsibilities’ inevitably decline.

According to Valmiki, a leader: who sees their errors but fails to correct them through ‘wise thought’ will lose all prosperity; who displays anger toward the wicked but compassion toward the virtuous creates a culture of justice; and who is angry without cause and terrifies others will be destroyed by their own kin. A righteous leader never forgets the good done to them. Loyalty is not bought through intimidation, but it is earned through character.

In an era obsessed with technical competence and ‘hustle culture,’ Valmiki’s insights remind that ‘Character is the foundation of leadership.’ A leader might possess huge strength and vast wealth, but without humility and moral restraint, these assets become the seeds of self-destruction. Every unscrupulous performance eventually becomes a metaphor for the violation of boundaries and ethical norms.

In democracy, when leaders treat the public trust as personal property, they face moral decay. The message: Strength without restraint is merely a high-speed path to uselessness. Shoorphanaka’s words, though born from a place of wounded emotion, strike at an enduring political truth. Governance begins to decay the moment the leader mistakes temporary power for permanent immunity. Valmiki’s Adi Kavya serves as an eternal mirror.

Ramayana asks every leader to look into it and ask: ‘Am I listening to all, is my intellect still sharp enough to distinguish right from wrong?’ If leaders fail to learn these lessons of ‘Good Governance and Leadership,’ a tragic fall that leaves the world not in lament, but in a cynical whisper of, ‘Alas! What a tragic fate has befallen him or her.’ Whoever serves with justice, humility, and foresight, is the real Leader.

శూర్ఫ‌ణ‌ఖ ఆగ్ర‌హం వెనుక రాజ‌ధ‌ర్మ బోధ‌! >>>>> వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

 శూర్ఫ‌ణ‌ఖ  ఆగ్ర‌హం వెనుక రాజ‌ధ‌ర్మ బోధ‌!

వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

ప్రజాతంత్ర దినపత్రిక (జూన్ నెల 21, 2026)

           {{‘నాయకత్వం, పరిపాలన, వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసంపై వాల్మీకి నిర్దేశంగా పేర్కొనదగిన రామాయణ ఆదికావ్య బృహత్తర గ్రంథం, ఒక విజయవంతమైన నాయకుడిని 'దూరదృష్టి గలవాడు'గా, 'మిత్రుడిని, శత్రువును వేరు చేయగల' మేధో స్పష్టతను, రాజనీతి వ్యవహారాలను స్వ‌యంగా పర్యవేక్షించగల పరిపాలనా పటిమను కలిగినవాడిగా వర్ణిస్తుంది. తన సొంత కోరికలను, అహంకారాన్ని జయించడంలో విఫలమైన నాయకుడు, పరిపాలించే నైతిక హక్కును అప్పటికే వదులుకున్నట్లేనని, ఇది అనివార్యమైన పతనానికి పునాది వేస్తుందని వాల్మీకి సూచిస్తారు..’

         ‘ప్రజాస్వామ్యంలో, నాయకులు ప్రజా విశ్వాసాన్ని వ్యక్తిగత ఆస్తిగా భావించినప్పుడు, వారు నైతిక పతనాన్ని ఎదుర్కొంటారు. దీని సందేశం: సంయమనం లేని బలం వేగంగా నిరుప‌యోగ‌మ‌వుతుంది. శూర్ఫ‌ణ‌ఖ  మాటలు, గాయపడిన భావోద్వేగం నుండి పుట్టినప్పటికీ, ఒక శాశ్వతమైన రాజకీయ సత్యాన్ని స్పృజిస్తాయి. నాయకుడు తాత్కాలిక అధికారాన్ని శాశ్వత రక్షణగా పొరబడిన క్షణం నుండే పరిపాలన క్షీణించడం మొదలవుతుంది. వాల్మీకి ఆదికావ్యం ఒక శాశ్వతమైన నాయకత్త్వ పటిమకు, సుపరిపాలనకు, వ్యక్తిత్త్వ వికాసానికి అద్దంలా పనిచేస్తుంది..’}} – సంపాదకుడి క్లుప్త వ్యాఖ్య

         వాల్మీకి సంస్కృత రామాయణంలో కనిపించేంతటి లోతైన మ‌నోవిశ్లేష‌ణ పరిపాలనాపర మైన దూరదృష్టి కలిగిన రచనలు ప్రపంచ విస్తృత‌ సాహిత్యంలో చాలా తక్కువ. 'ఆదికావ్యం'గా గౌరవించబడే ఈ గ్రంథం గొప్పతనం కేవలం దైవత్వాన్ని కవితాత్మకంగా వర్ణించడంలోనే లేదు.  దైవత్వం, మానవ స్వభావం  అధికార సంబంధాల గురించి ఇది ధైర్యంగా అందించిన‌ విశ్లేషణలో, సాటిలేని మేధో సంపద దాగి ఉంది. ఈ ఆదికావ్యంలో వాల్మీకి ఆవిష్కరించిన నాయకత్వం, పరిపాలన, వ్య‌క్తిత్వ వికాసాలకు సంబంధించిన అంశాలు నిజంగా అద్భుతమైనవి.

ఈ కావ్యంలోని అత్యంత ఆసక్తికరమైన, కానీ తరచుగా విస్మ‌రించే మేధో సంపదలలో ఒకటి: లక్ష్మణుడి ద్వారా అవమానానికి గురైన శూర్పణఖ తన సోదరుడైన రావణుడితో మాట్లాడిన మాట‌లు! లక్ష్మణుడి చేతిలో విరూపితమైన తర్వాత కలిగిన ఆక్రోశంతో శూర్పణఖ లంకా నగరంలోని రాజ ఆస్థానానికి చేరుకుంటుంది. అక్కడ రావణుడు, తెల్లని చామరాలు, రాజసం ఉట్టిపడే తెల్లని ఛత్రం, కాంతివంతమైన రత్నాలు పొదిగిన మెరిసే బంగారు కుండలాలు, విశాలమైన ముఖం, ధవళ వర్ణపు దంతాలతో, దోషరహితమైన రత్నంలా ప్రకాశిస్తూ, మంత్రుల మధ్య బంగారు సింహాసనంపై ఆసీనుడై ఉంటాడు.

శూర్పణఖకు అది కేవలం త‌న‌ ప్రతీకార విన్నపం మాత్రమే కాదు. అది రావణుడి క్షీణిస్తున్న పాలనపై ఒక తీవ్రమైన విమర్శ. ఆమె ధర్మాగ్రహం ద్వారా, వాల్మీకి రాజధర్మం అనే ఒక శాశ్వత తత్వాన్ని, అంటే 'పాలకుని ధర్మయుద్ధాన్ని' సుపరిపాలనకు పునాదిగా నిలిచే భారతీయ నమూనాగా వివరిస్తారు. ఇది వ్యక్తిగత అధికారం కంటే నైతిక ప్రవర్తన, చట్టబద్ధమైన పాలన, ప్రజా సంక్షేమానికి ప్రాధాన్యతనిస్తుంది.   నాయకుడి వ్యక్తిగత స్వభావమే రాజ్య స్థిరత్వానికి ప్రధాన నిర్ణాయకమ‌ని ఈ గ్రంథం స్ప‌ష్టం చేస్తుంది.

'నాయకత్వం, పరిపాలన, వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసంపై వాల్మీకి నిర్దేశంగా పేర్కొనదగిన ఈ గ్రంథం, ఒక విజయవంతమైన నాయకుడిని 'దూరదృష్టి గలవాడు'గా, 'మిత్రుడిని, శత్రువును వేరు చేయగల' మేధో స్పష్టతను, రాజనీతి వ్యవహారాలను స్వ‌యంగా పర్యవేక్షించగల పరిపాలనా పటిమను కలిగినవాడిగా వర్ణిస్తుంది. తన సొంత కోరికలను, అహంకారాన్ని జయించడంలో విఫలమైన నాయకుడు, పరిపాలించే నైతిక హక్కును అప్పటికే వదులుకున్నట్లేనని, ఇది అనివార్యమైన పతనానికి పునాది వేస్తుందని వాల్మీకి సూచిస్తారు.

ఒక నిర్దేశిత ఆదేశం ప్రకారం, నాయకుడు రాజభవన (పాలనాధికార భవన౦ గోడలకు ఆవల చూడటానికి విస్తృతమైన రాయబారుల నెట్‌వర్క్‌ను సమర్థవంతంగా ఉపయోగించగలగాలి. తద్వారా, 'పాలనకు సంబంధం లేని, స్వార్థపరులైన వ్యక్తుల' వడపోసిన పొగడ్తలపై కాకుండా, క్షేత్రస్థాయి వాస్తవికత ఆధారంగా నిర్ణయాలు తీసుకునేలా నిర్ధారించుకోవాలి. 'అంతరంగ గదులలో' దాగి ఉండి, ఎంపికచేసిన కొందరిని మాత్రమే కలుస్తూ, అమాత్యులకు గుడ్డిగా అధికారాన్ని అప్పగించే పాలకుడు, తప్పనిసరిగా తన రాజ్యం భవిష్యత్తును ఇతరులకు అప్పగించినట్లే.

పరిపాలన సార్థకంగా ఉండాలంటే, నాయకుడు ప్రజాపాలనకు, ప్రజల సంక్షేమానికి, అభివృద్ధికి, ఖజానాకు, ప్రాథమిక సంరక్షకుడిగా, విధానాలకు అంతిమ నిర్ణేతగా ఉండాలి. ప్రతిఫలాలు, శిక్షలు నిష్పాక్షికమైన న్యాయంతో పంపిణీ అయ్యేలా చూడాలి. వాల్మీకి దృష్టిలో, వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసమే ఈ పరిపాలనా యంత్రాంగాన్ని నడిపించే అంతర్గత చోదక శక్తి. ఈ గ్రంథం, 'అదుపులేని అహం' మేధస్సుపై చూపే వినాశకరమైన ప్రభావాన్ని వివరిస్తూ, ఇంద్రియ సుఖాలలో మునిగిన నాయ‌కుడు సమీపిస్తున్న ప్రమాదాన్ని గ్ర‌హించ‌లేని అంధుడ‌వుతాడ‌ని హెచ్చ‌రిస్తుంది.

నాయకుడు దుష్టుల‌ను శిక్షించే, అదే సమయంలో సజ్జనుల పట్ల కరుణ చూపే స్వభావాన్ని పెంపొందించుకోవాలని సూచించారు వాల్మీకి శూర్ఫణక మాటల్లో. ఈ మానసిక సమతుల్యత, అధికారం కేవలం భయం ద్వారా కాకుండా గౌరవం ద్వారా నిలబడేలా చేస్తుంది. తమ తప్పులను గుర్తించి, సరిదిద్దుకునే ధర్మబద్ధమైన నాయకుడు సంపద, సుఖాలలో వర్ధిల్లుతాడు. అలా కాకపొతే, ఒకప్పుడు తన సింహాసనాన్ని నిలబెట్టిన బంధువులు, సేవకులే అహంకారపూరిత నాయకుడిని విడిచిపెడ‌తారు.

అంతిమంగా, అధికారం పతనం అంతర్గతంగానే మొదలవుతుందనే సమగ్ర హెచ్చరికగా ఇది పనిచేస్తుంది. ఇది అపారమైన సామర్థ్యాన్ని సూచించే భౌతిక వైభవానికి, అటువంటి బలాన్ని నిష్ప్రయోజనం చేసే నైతిక పతనానికి మధ్య ఉన్న అంతరాన్ని పూరిస్తుంది. 'వినయం లేని అధికారం అంధత్వాన్ని కలిగిస్తుంది' అని నొక్కి చెప్పడం ద్వారా, సమకాలీన నాయకులు ఒదిగి ఉండటానికి వాల్మీకి ఒక శాశ్వతమైన మార్గదర్శకాన్ని అందిస్తారు. ఈ పత్రం, రాజధర్మం  ప్రాచీన నైతిక ప్రమాణాలను, పారదర్శకత, దూరదృష్టి, నైతిక సంయమనం వంటి ఆధునిక అవసరాలతో అనుసంధానించే వారధిగా పనిచేస్తూ, నాయకుడు ప్రజల సేవకుడిగా ఉండేలా నిర్ధారిస్తుంది.

వాల్మీకి మహర్షి రావణుడి గురించి చేసిన వర్ణన వైరుధ్యాల సమాహారం. అతను పది తలలు, ఇరవై చేతులు, దేవతలకు కూడా అసూయ కలిగించే దేహదారుఢ్యం కలిగిన ఒక బహుముఖ ప్రజ్ఞాశాలి. అయినప్పటికీ, శూర్పణక‌ అతనిలో ఒక లోతైన లోపాన్ని గుర్తించింది: ‘రావణుడు 'శారీరక శక్తి వల్ల కలిగే అహంకారంతో మ‌దించాడు,’ అని వ్యాఖ్యానిస్తుంది. ఆధునిక సందర్భంలో, దీనినే 'నాయకుడి ఉచ్చు' అని చెప్పవచ్చు.  ఒక నాయకుడు తాత్కాలిక ఆధిపత్యాన్ని శాశ్వత భద్రతగా పొరబడినప్పుడు, వారు ఇతరుల మాట వినడం మానేస్తారు.

'హ‌ద్దులు లేని క్రమశిక్షణా రాహిత్యంతో నిరంతరం కామ సుఖాలలో మునిగిపోయిన' నాయకుడు 'నాశనాన్ని కూడా గ్రహించలేని మూర్ఖుడు' అవుతాడని శూర్పణక‌ చేసిన హెచ్చరిక, సంస్థాగత సమగ్రత కంటే వ్యక్తిగత ప్రయోజనాలకు ప్రాధాన్యతనిచ్చే ఏ ఆధునిక అధికారికి అయినా కడుపులో గుద్దినట్లు ఉంటుంది. స‌క‌ల సౌక‌ర్యాల‌ను అనుభ‌విస్తూ, ముఖస్తుతి చేసేవారిని త‌న చుట్టూ ఉంచుకున్న నాయకుడు ఒక ప్రతిధ్వని గదిని తనంతట తానే సృష్టిస్తాడు. ఆ విధంగా  వాస్తవికతకు దూరమైన క్షణంలో, వారు ఎన్నికలలో లేదా మార్కెట్ వాటాలో ఓడిపోక ముందే తమ పదవిని కోల్పోతారని వాల్మీకి మనకు బోధిస్తారు.

వాల్మీకి రామాయణంలోనే ‘ఆధునిక పరిపాలన స్తంభాలు: మేధస్సు- విచక్షణ’ అనేది మరో ముఖ్యమైన విషయం. శూర్పణఖ ఉపదేశం రాజనీతి  మౌలిక యంత్రాంగాలను స్పృశిస్తుంది. ఆమె 'దూరదృష్టి' గల నాయకుడిని, తన దూతల కళ్ళతో చూసేవాడిగా నిర్వచించారు. 21వ శతాబ్దంలో, సమాచారం క్షేత్రస్థాయి నిఘాకు ఇదే అత్యవసరం. కొందరు ఇష్టమైన సలహాదారుల శుద్ధి (Filtered) చేసిన నివేదికల ఆధారంగా నిర్ణయాలు తీసుకునే ప్రభుత్వం వైఫల్యానికి గురికావడం ఖాయం.

శూర్పణక ద్వారా వాల్మీకి ఈ విషయాలను నొక్కి చెబుతారు: ఒక నాయకుడు అధికారాన్ని గుడ్డిగా ఇతరులకు అప్పగించకూడదు. 'సునిశితమైన ఆలోచన' లేకుండా వ్యవహరించడం విఫలమవుతున్న రాజ్యానికి చిహ్నం. అంతఃపురానికే ప‌రిమిత‌మై అవసరమైనప్పుడు ప్రజల ముందుకు రాని నాయకుడు పాలించే నైతిక హక్కును కోల్పోతాడు. పరిపాలనను నాయకుడు వాస్తవికతను ప్రాథమికంగా విశ్లేషించేవాడుగా ఉండాలి.

బాహ్య ప్రపంచం ఒకరి అంతర్గత స్థితికి ప్రతిబింబం అని రామాయణం చెబుతుంది. వాల్మీకి సంభాషణ, సంయమనం,  స్వీయ-దిద్దుబాటు  ఆవశ్యకతను నొక్కి చెప్పడం ద్వారా వ్యక్తిత్వ వికాసాన్ని సున్నితంగా స్పృశిస్తుంది. 'సుఖాలలో మితిమీరిన లీనత నాయకుడి మేధస్సు శక్తిని నాశనం చేస్తుంది' అని శూర్పణఖ గమనిస్తుంది. ఇది ఒక శాశ్వతమైన మానసిక సత్యం. వ్యక్తిగత కోరికల కారణంగా నాయకుడు మంచి చెడులను వివేచించే సామర్థ్యాన్ని కోల్పోయినప్పుడు, 'రాజరిక బాధ్యతలు' అనివార్యంగా క్షీణిస్తాయి.

వాల్మీకి రచనాచాతుర్యం ప్రకారం, తమ తప్పులను గ్రహించి, 'వివేకవంతమైన ఆలోచన'తో వాటిని సరిదిద్దుకోలేని నాయకుడు సకల విధాల శ్రేయస్సును కోల్పోతాడు. దుర్మార్గుల పట్ల కోపాన్ని ప్రదర్శిస్తూ, సజ్జనుల పట్ల కరుణ చూపేవాడు మాత్రమే న్యాయ సంస్కృతిని సృష్టిస్తాడు.  కారణం లేకుండా కోపించి, ఇతరులను భయపెట్టేవాడు తన సొంత బంధువుల చేతిలోనే నాశనమవుతాడు. ఒక ధర్మబద్ధమైన నాయకుడు తనకు చేసిన మేలును, అలా చేసిన వ్యక్తులను ఎన్నడూ మరచిపోడు. విధేయతను బెదిరింపులతో కొనలేరు, అది శీలంతో సంపాదించుకోవాలి.

సాంకేతిక నైపుణ్యం, ‘హడావిడి (త్వరితగతి) సంస్కృతి’ పట్ల వ్యామోహం ఉన్న ఈ యుగంలో, ‘నాయకత్వానికి శీలమే పునాది’ అని వాల్మీకి అంతర్దృష్టులు గుర్తుచేస్తాయి. ఒక నాయకుడికి అపారమైన బలం, విస్తారమైన సంపద ఉండవచ్చు, కానీ వినయం, నైతిక సంయమనం లేకపోతే, ఈ ఆస్తులే ఆత్మవినాశానికి బీజాలుగా మారతాయి. ప్రతి నీతిబాహ్యమైన చర్య చివరికి హద్దులు, నైతిక నియమాల ఉల్లంఘనకు ఒక రూపకంగా మారుతుంది.

ప్రజాస్వామ్యంలో, నాయకులు ప్రజా విశ్వాసాన్ని వ్యక్తిగత ఆస్తిగా భావించినప్పుడు, వారు నైతిక పతనాన్ని ఎదుర్కొంటారు. దీని సందేశం: సంయమనం లేని బలం వేగంగా నిరుప‌యోగ‌మ‌వుతుంది. శూర్ఫ‌ణ‌ఖ  మాటలు, గాయపడిన భావోద్వేగం నుండి పుట్టినప్పటికీ, ఒక శాశ్వతమైన రాజకీయ సత్యాన్ని స్పృజిస్తాయి. నాయకుడు తాత్కాలిక అధికారాన్ని శాశ్వత రక్షణగా పొరబడిన క్షణం నుండే పరిపాలన క్షీణించడం మొదలవుతుంది. నాయకత్త్వం కోల్పోయే లక్షణాలు ప్రస్ఫుటంగా గోచరిస్తాయి. ఇలాంటి విషయాలలో వాల్మీకి ఆదికావ్యం ఒక శాశ్వతమైన అద్దంలా పనిచేస్తుంది.

రామాయణం ప్రతి నాయకుడిని ఇలా ప్రశ్నించుకోమని కోరుతుంది: ‘నేను అందరి మాటలు వింటున్నానా? కొందరివి మాత్రమే వింటున్నానా?  ఏది సరైనదో, ఏది తప్పో వివేచనా చేసేటంత పదును నా బుద్ధికి ఇంకా మిగిలి ఉందా?’ అలాగే, నాయకులు ‘సుపరిపాలన, నాయకత్వ’  పాఠాలను నేర్చుకోవడంలో విఫలమైతే, అది ఒక విషాదకరమైన పతనానికి దారితీస్తుంది.  ఎవరైతే న్యాయం, వినయం, దూరదృష్టితో సమదృష్టితో ఆలోచన చేస్తారో, వారే నిజమైన నాయకులు.

(నా ఆంగ్ల వ్యాసం Leadership and Governance: Valmiki’s Masterclass Manifesto ..... Valmiki provides a timeless blueprint For contemporary leaders to remain grounded కు ప్రజాతంత్ర పత్రిక స్వేచ్చానువాదం. సంపాదకులకు ధన్యవాదాలు)

Unlit Cigar and the ‘Nineteenth Friday Evening Meeting’ >>>>> With Political Commentator and Political Analyst Sanjaya Baru as Special Guest at Press Club Hyderabad : By Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 Unlit Cigar and the ‘Nineteenth Friday Evening Meeting’

With Political Commentator and Political Analyst

Sanjaya Baru as Special Guest at Press Club Hyderabad

By Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (June 19, 2026)

The weekly Friday evening meetings at Press Club Hyderabad have quietly become a sacred platform for the city's senior journalists. It is a space where like-minded thoughts gather to unpack the immediate past events over a social drink, occasionally joined by select guests who shape public discourse. But the nineteenth Friday meeting carried a distinct, high-profile energy. The evening’s special guest was Sanjaya Baru, a son of the Telangana soil, who modestly navigated the highest corridors of power in Delhi, most notably serving as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s (PMO) official spokesperson.

Sanjaya Baru brought an aura of national political history besides few interesting anecdotes to the table. The normal practice of conversation preceded with a gesture that perfectly matched the gravity of the guest, when a regular participant, senior journalist A Saye Sekhar stepped forward and presented Baru with an impressive box containing a 'Churchill': a premium Cuban Cigar from the IIC brand. Named after Britain’s wartime Prime Minister, the Churchill Size is legendary, built for long, deliberate reflections.

Instead of reaching for a lighter, Sanjaya Baru simply held the cigar unlit. It was a striking visual. While couple of smokers in the group, frequently stepped out of the room to catch their quick smokes, Baru’s premium Cuban Tobacco remained entirely unsparked. Yet, it served as a powerful anchor for the evening. There was no smoke to cloud the room around him, but just the sharp clarity of insider insights, laughter, and pure, unfiltered camaraderie among familiar friends. The casual conversation over social drinks gradually evolved under Baru’s guidance into exploration of one of South India's success stories: the Trichinopoly Cigar.’

Steered by Baru's sharp historical lens, the discussion recollected about the Trichinopoly Cheroot, once a staple across the British Empire, which was supposed to be framed not merely as a tobacco product, but as an early pioneer of international trade. These hand-rolled cigars from Tiruchirappalli were in fact, commanding markets in Britain. The brand cemented its place deeply into the Victorian Consciousness. The conversation settled toward the legendary connection between Winston Churchill and the Trichinopoly.

Baru highlighted how Churchill was fond of the Cigars. However, the narrative carefully separated historical reality from regional lore. While industry traditions vividly claim that a clandestine ‘Churchill's Cigar Assistant’ was appointed in Madras to ship Trichy Cigars to Downing Street when Nazi U-boats cut off his Cuban supply, the table treated these accounts with a journalist's healthy scepticism, noting they remain fascinatingly reasonable but lack definitive archival proof. This distinction extended to the role of Guntur tobacco also.

Finally, the dialogue turned to recent social media buzz surrounding a ‘Revival’ of the craft. An FB Post according to Baru says: ‘Today, the industry has heavily dwindled. But, the historic 123-year-old Fenn Thompson and Co, the last primary manufacturer, has been still keeping the heritage craft alive.’ The consensus steered clear of exaggeration: reports of the Trichinopoly Cigar’s absolute demise are factually incorrect, as traditional manufacturing quietly persists on a limited scale via heritage-focused houses.

Ultimately, the evening's discourse yielded a striking reflection on India's commercial history. The story of the Trichinopoly cigar serves as a powerful, elegant reminder that South Indian craftsmanship captured global imagination, infiltrated British Elite Culture, and established international branding over a century before the modern corporate era. The smooth flow of the evening perfectly mirrored the unique nature of these Friday Meetings, as gatherings devoid of formal agendas, official invitations, or professional obligations, where every participant quietly picks up their own bill purely for the joy of high-calibre company.

As the conversation shifted, Sanjaya Baru revealed a beautiful, poignant coincidence behind his personal visit to Hyderabad. The very day of this Nineteenth Friday Gathering marked the Birth Centenary of his illustrious father, the late BPR Vithal, a towering colossus of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) and a definitive authority on fiscal federalism. Vithal was legendary as the country’s longest-serving Finance and Planning Secretary, whose pivotal research on Telangana's budget surpluses provided the intellectual bedrock for the statehood movement.

With deep reverence, Baru recounted an intimate glimpse into the disciplined personal life of the great administrator. No matter how demanding or chaotic his schedule, Vithal maintained a lifelong, unshakeable ritual: a single peg of a social drink every single evening, a habit he kept right up until he breathed his last at the age of 94 years! The room broke into captivated smiles as Baru shared a classic, telling anecdote from his father’s bureaucratic career.

Decades ago, while serving as a member of the Tenth Finance Commission of India under the chairmanship of veteran statesman KC Pant, Vithal put forward a singular, highly specific request to the chief: ‘Let there be no meetings scheduled after 7:30 PM.’ It was a characteristically polite, yet uncompromising, nod to his inviolable evening social hour. Baru noted with nostalgic affection that those were eras defined by immense mutual respect, elegance, and a profound regard for elders.

Recognizing the wisdom and human necessity behind the request, Chairman Pant instantly issued informal executive orders. The directive, strictly forbidding late-evening official huddles, was swiftly honoured not just across the corridors of power in New Delhi, but seamlessly adopted by all state governments hosting the commission. For the senior journalists listening at the Press Club, the story was a beautiful reminder of a golden era of governance, where towering intellect and a perfectly balanced lifestyle walked hand in hand.

Keenly listening to Baru and on BPR Vithal, one of the participants, who was well acquainted with late Vithal, placed before the group to ponder and compare current undisciplined political expenditures with the financial discipline of previous eras, especially of BPR Vithal’s times. The roundtable criticized the modern, routine use of state resources, symbolized by indiscriminate helicopter and private aircraft usage for routine partisan activities, as a stark departure from past standards of public accountability.

 Sanjaya Baru’s keen interest in the Friday Meetings was unmistakable. He readily agreed to an invitation extended by Amar Devulapalli, one of the pioneers of these Meetings. As the evening progressed, Baru atypically drew a fascinating parallel between Hyderabad's Friday Gathering and a legendary institutional counterpart in the national capital: the ‘Saturday Club’ (or Saturday Discussion Group) of New Delhi. He revealed that he had been associated as a member of this elite, informal forum since 1994, though its roots trace back to 1977.

Born as a poignant ‘Post-Emergency’ development, the group was conceived during an era when civil liberties and intellectual discourse were reclaiming their breath. Much like the Friday Meetings at the Press Club, the Saturday Club operates on strict lines of egalitarian camaraderie, devoid of formal structures, where every participant unpretentiously clears their own bill. He said that: Meeting regularly at the prestigious India International Centre (IIC) in Delhi, the forum serves as a rare, eclectic melting pot.

He added that: It brings together a diverse galaxy of thinkers, academics, journalists, and senior politicians across ideological divides. Over the decades, the group has boasted an extraordinary roster of minds, including former Prime Minister IK Gujral {whose famous ‘Gujral Doctrine’ was partly (Supposed to be) shaped within these very deliberations!}, veteran statesman LK Advani, former Vice President Krishan Kant, political veteran S Jaipal Reddy, and iconic journalists like Pran Chopra and strategic thinkers like Bhabani Sengupta.

However, said Baru that, in those earlier decades, the club was known for its high-quality, unflinching deliberations, where policy strategists and political giants argued without malice. However, when the conversation touched upon the modern status and continuity of these historic Delhi meetings, Baru offered a subtle, yet biting, third-person diagnosis of changing times. He noted that while the gatherings persist, the sheer quality and depth of the deliberations have noticeably come down since the BJP rose to power.

{{The observation led to a reflection on how national polarization slowly alter the efficacy of a decade old organization. The Saturday Discussion Group's influence peaked in 1997, highlighted by an India Today profile which noted: ‘For the first time the eclectic forum enjoys a spell of fame,’ which captured the group during IK Gujral's Prime Ministership. This period marked the height of the club's prominence and unique political connection.’}}

The 19^th Friday Meeting, followed a familiar and electric trajectory. After winding down a few non-political subjects, such as reminiscing the great economist BPR Vithal, and the lingering old-world charm of ‘Churchill Cigar,’ the conversation shifted fundamentally into current affairs, more on politics. Such a transition is entirely natural for the Friday Roundtables, but it felt particularly inevitable in this meeting, given the composition of the room.

The special guest of the evening being Sanjaya Baru, the formidable political commentator, economic policy analyst, and renowned author of The Accidental Prime Minister, and seated around the informal table was a galaxy of a dozen senior journalists, veterans of the multifaceted reporting, alongside a shifting ring of occasional onlookers drawn by the gravity of the discussion, who come to club either for a leisure or on professional assignment. The conversation kick-started with a provocative view by one of the participants:

‘The BJP has systematically engineered splits in the Trinamool Congress and the Shiv Sena (Uddhav group) is actively planning to splinter the Samajwadi Party, perhaps even securing the tactical, under-the-table support of the DMK. What exactly is Modi up to? Is he preparing to structurally delete the words 'Secular' and 'Socialist' from the Preamble, transition India into a Presidential Form of Democracy, and effectively establish himself as a President?’

The political segment of the 19th Friday Meeting at the Press Club Hyderabad evolved into a rigorous evaluation of India’s systemic realities. Guided by the extensive experience of Sanjaya Baru, the roundtable moved past superficial electoral analysis to examine structural governance, institutional decline, and alternative models for national development. The collective findings of the group could be systematised, refined, and structured into thematic pillars.

The discussion centred on a fundamental structural transformation within the Indian executive, led by the insights of Sanjaya Baru regarding centralized power dynamics. The group reached a near consensus that the current leadership model by and large mirrors a Presidential Framework. The consensus indicated a distinct institutional admiration for highly centralized, top-down models of authority, such as that of Vladimir Putin, where the Prime Minister effectively operates as a singular, systemic executive.

Drawing from his analytical work published during the 2024 general election titled: ‘Who wants 370 majority? Not even BJP leaders’ Baru’s premise was revisited to contextualise this executive drive: ‘No business person too would want a PM so powerful that he can continue to hound them through instruments available to a government ... Prime Minister Modi has himself claimed that such a convincing majority will enable his government to undertake important economic reforms that will speed up India's growth and make it a developed economy by 2047.’

The collective opinion concluded that the constant push for overwhelming majorities is designed to minimize parliamentary friction, validating the theory that the political executive prefers a direct, presidential mandate over collective cabinet accountability. The table shifted to an objective critique of opposition politics, noting a deep structural disconnect within the primary opposition party despite glaring national opportunities. The observation was that, understanding contemporary Congress party strategy remains a challenge for political analysts, and absence of nationwide ‘Charismatic Leadership’ to counter BJP and NDA.

The Friday meeting agreed that the broader political ecosystem is currently facing a systemic absence of unifying, and it was strongly opined that Priyanka Gandhi possesses a better high degree of latent political potential. The consensus suggested that she could step into a major national leadership role to address the party's structural challenges, provided the organizational hierarchy chooses to actively empower her. Sanjaya Baru and the participating journalists opined that Mamata Banerjee stands out as perhaps the only truly self-made, grassroots woman leader who, for the present appears to be nearly ‘politically finished.’

A major philosophical pivot that can be broadly titled as ‘The 20-Year Strategic Pause’ occurred when Sanjaya Baru introduced a seasoned, alternative vision for India’s long-term trajectory, which resonated widely with the table. As part of this pragmatic diplomatic stance, which the group largely endorsed, it was proposed that: ‘Instead of exhausting creative, financial, and political capital on high-stakes global posturing to match the United States or China, India should adopt a quiet, low-profile stance in the international political arena for the next 20 years.’

Likewise, as Sanjaya Baru suggested, the group reasoned that the Nation's Primary focus must return to domestic stability. Success should be measured by the peaceful conduct of daily life, guaranteed access to basic nutrition and quality education, and the preservation of cultural practices as an individual option. The Friday Get-together agreed that over-ambitious global posturing should not override fundamental domestic human development indices. The growing systemic anxieties regarding North-South regional divide also came in conversation.

Interestingly, on the periodic friction points suggesting a North-South division among states, the group raised a cynical, yet precise question: ‘Does India possess a committed, regional leadership free of systemic corruption to handle this divide constructively? The broad view settled on the troubling reality was that institutionalized corruption cuts cleanly across party lines, complicating genuine federal representation.

The 19^th Friday Evening Meeting concluded by citing Brazil’s Economic Trajectory as a vital warning. The participants guided by Special Guest, Sanjaya Baru, noted how Brazil, once celebrated as an emerging global model of development, stumbled by sustaining its growth with unsustainable public finances and over-leveraging its economy without securing foundational domestic industries. Participants expressed their concern, whether India faces a parallel structural risk if it prioritizes rapid, speculative financial metrics over robust, institutionalized economic discipline.

The Nineteenth Friday Evening Meeting reaffirmed the enduring value of a simple yet powerful idea: when experienced minds gather without hierarchy, agenda, or compulsion, conversation itself becomes a repository of knowledge. From reflections on history, governance, economics, journalism, and public life, the evenings demonstrated how informal dialogue can generate insights often absent in formal forums.

These gatherings continue to evolve as living archives where memory is documented, experience is shared, and diverse perspectives are respectfully examined. Their strength lies not in numbers but in continuity, openness, and intellectual curiosity. As the circle steadily expands, more members, professionals, and thoughtful individuals are encouraged to participate. Every new voice enriches the collective narrative.

Swami Ramananda Tirtha Memorial Model School >>>>> In PV Narasimha Rao Bhavan, with a Difference : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 Swami Ramananda Tirtha Memorial Model School

In PV Narasimha Rao Bhavan, with a Difference

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (June 18, 2026)

            There cannot be a greater tribute to former Prime Minister Late PV Narasimha Rao, The Founder Chairman of ‘Swami Ramananda Tirtha Memorial Committee (SRTMC)’ than the ‘Memorial Model School’ named after his Political Acharya, Swamiji, as affectionately addressed by PV, being exceptionally developed into a ‘Real Model School’ in the campus, now known as ‘PV Narasimha Rao Bhavan’ which is located in Brahman Wadi, Begumpet (Hyderabad) near the Railway Station.

            The bubbling enthusiasm of the ‘School as a Whole,’ nevertheless, comprising the collective strength of several individuals, that included, Chair Person SRTMC Surabhi Vani Devi-the brain behind the conceptual framework, Shekar Maramraju an young entrepreneur returned to Hyderabad for good, from USA leaving lucrative assignment there, to contribute something to society, his wife Surabhi Ajita, the Parents Committee that autonomously runs the school, committed 15 member staff, and the current strength of 220 students of all ages etc. reverberated in the campus today forenoon for about two hours.

               The reason was as simple as any formal gathering, but the difference was, ‘this event made a huge difference’ due to a unique program that was organized by SRTMC and the parents committee of the school jointly, and marked as a special occasion. Former Ministers K T Rama Rao (BRS Working President and MLA Siricilla) and Talasani Srinivasa Yadav (MLA Sanath Nagar) accompanied by a huge fan following, participated in formal program of floral tributes to Swami Ramananda Tirtha, and distribution of books and bags to the school students in the premises. All the roads leading to the venue were colorful with KTR Flex banners.

Both Talasani and KTR went round the Institute, that included Library, a huge collection of books by Late PV Narasimha Rao, former Prime Minister. KTR also shared lunch with school children. There were promises galore with Talasani who has been already extending munificent help to the Institute in general and the school in particular, made a fresh promise of taking care of the expenditure on Books and mid-day meals parts. Talasani who earlier itself, being highly impressed with the school, even facilitated GHMC Akshaya Patra Rs 5 meals scheme in automated mode.

KTR promised to do his best to extend all possible help for the rejuvenation of the age-old and extremely precious Library in the PV Narasimha Rao Bhavan. KTR even assured of all possible help in the running of school, and Institute, to the best of his ability. Both the former ministers, on the platform praised the efforts of MLC Surabhi Vani Devi Chair Person of SRTMC and Shekar Maramraju who takes care of the Institute run School in the premise over the years.

KTR gave a clarion call to the school's students, urging them to rise to the level of PV, who originally founded the premises where their school stands today, including learning multiple languages like PV fluently. The school that is being referred here, was established in 2014 with PP1 and PP2 classes, catering to just 20 kids. Though the objective was to conduct classes up to 10^th class eventually, for inexplicable reasons, it is being limited to just 7^th class for the present. It is totally non-residential as of now, and the current strength, as already mentioned stands at 220.

The school fee is nominal (that too no compulsion!) as the children mostly come from lower middle-class background. SRMT provides infrastructure, 8 class rooms, and free books through sponsors. Teachers are paid an average pay of Rs 15-20 thousands and are mostly belonging from nearby locality. There are quite a few retired staff too. Despite free school fees to some, through various sources there is a nominal corpus of about Rs 7.5 lakhs according to Shekar Maramraju, who looks after the school at a broader level.

It is befitting to mention about the Swami Ramananda Tirtha Memorial Committee, the Institute, and about the Swamiji himself. Swami Ramanand Tirtha was an Indian politician, freedom fighter, educator par excellence and great social activist who led the Hyderabad liberation struggle during the reign of Mir Osman Ali Khan, the last Nizam of Hyderabad State. Swami Ramanand Tirtha was the principal leader of the Hyderabad State Congress. As an illustrious political leader his contribution towards the struggle was unparalleled.

The Hyderabad Liberation Struggle, which Swamiji spearheaded, was not just a fight against the atrocities of the last Nizam, but also reflected an inspiration to be a part of the then newly formed Indian Union. Swamiji was a ‘Sanyasi’ committed to constructive politics and provided exemplary politico-spiritual leadership to a large number of people, mostly his passionate followers, of whom many went onto assume high public offices and serving the country ardently.  

Swamiji though known as a Sanyasi (ascetic or monk), unlike traditional Sanyasis retreating to forests or ashrams for isolated meditation, he practiced atypical Karma Yoga, the path of selfless action. He used his monastic detachment as a powerful tool for political liberation, social reform, and public service. His life as a Sanyasi was defined by his transition from a standard life to becoming the fiery leader who successfully led the Hyderabad Freedom Struggle.  

Before taking his monastic vows, Swamiji, the highly educated, held a Master’s degree with a thesis on the ‘Evolution of Democracy.’ Despite his intellectual prospects, he decided to renounce worldly desires and family life. When Swamiji took the holy vows of Sannyasa (renunciation and voluntary lifelong bachelorship), he was given the name ‘Swami Ramananda Tirtha’ in place of his birth name, Venkatesh Bhagvan Rao Khedgikar.

Being a Sanyasi Swamiji, he had no personal burdens. Because he had no property, no family of his own, and no economic ambitions, he was entirely fearless. He could not be bought, bribed, or intimidated by the Nizam's regime or the brutal Razakar militia. He viewed fighting for the freedom of oppressed citizens as his supreme spiritual duty. He organized massive non-violent Satyagrahas, challenged the Nizam's decree to remain independent of India, and spent multiple terms in prison.

After Hyderabad was liberated, he served as a Lok Sabha Member in 1952, but lived with the absolute simplicity of a monk. Following Swamiji’s death in 1972, PV Narasimha Rao and Govind Bhai Shroff set up SRTMC. SB Chavan, VB Raji, T Hayagriva Chary, DV Pangrekar, GS Melkote, KV Narsing Rao, Veerendra Patil, Mir Akbar Ali Khan, C Sudershan with other eminent personalities set up this as a Voluntary organization, in 1974. It was mainly to honour the memory of his Guru, and to propagate Swamiji’s philosophy PV established SRTMC.

SRTMC is basically committed to secular ideals, as envisaged by Swamiji. Development of Backward Areas, fostering Cultural and Literary Interaction resulting in National Integration has been the core ideal of SRTMC. There has been adequate emphasis on Yoga, Naturopathy, Women and Child Welfare, Empowering Women, Medicinal and Aromatic Plants, Skill Development to strengthen Livelihood, Conduct of Medical Camps, Environmental Protection, Traditions, Customs etc. are the core themes and objectives.

There is a fully equipped Library in the PV Narasimha Rao Bhavan, the Institute’s campus, with more that highly precious over ten thousand books, periodicals, and other valuable reading materials. In addition to Conference Hall, Seminar Hall, Solar Workshop, Computer Laboratory, Residential Accommodation for exclusively to Research Scholars etc. The present Life Members of ARTMC from Telangana State are:  Secretary and In charge Chair Person Surabhi Vani Devi, YV Chandrashekhar Rao, PV Prabhakar Rao, Shekhar Maramraj, and myself, besides few from Maharashtra and Karnataka.