Governors’ Discretion amounts to ‘Atypical Abuse’ >>>>> ‘Single Largest Party First’ Must be the Best Convention : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (May 7, 2026)

 Governors’ Discretion amounts to ‘Atypical Abuse’

‘Single Largest Party First’ Must be the Best Convention

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (May 7, 2026)

In either a positive or negative context, in Indian democracy, it is not new to prefer leaders of political parties by Governors at the state level and the President at the centre, irrespective of whether their party won an absolute majority or not, but emerged as the single largest party, either on its own or in an alliance, in a situation where no other party or combination was in the same boat. In the current Tamil Nadu situation, following the May 2026 Assembly elections, Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) has emerged as the clear single largest party.

Despite this historic mandate and securing support from the Congress, which would bring his tally within striking distance of the absolute majority, Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar faced criticism for his perceived delay in inviting Vijay to form the government. Governor's rigid and irrational insistence on physical proof of 118 MLAs before an invitation, obviously in Lok Bhavan, rather than allowing a floor test, is an ‘atypical hurdle’ for a party that so clearly leads all others.

This contemporary friction echoes historical precedents of high-level discretion, such as when President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy invited Charan Singh to form the government in 1979 after the fall of the Morarji Desai ministry. Notably, Reddy took this step only after first exploring the potential of other major parties, including the Congress, to ensure all avenues for a stable majority were exhausted before appointing a leader who lacked an absolute mandate of his own.

The use of Presidential discretion in forming minority governments is most prominently seen in the tenures of PV Narasimha Rao (1991) and Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1996). After the 1991 elections, the Congress emerged as the single largest party with 232 seats, significantly short of the 272-majority mark. President R Venkataraman exercised his discretion to invite PV, following a precedent he evolved: in a hung Parliament, parties should be invited in order of their strength without the President prejudging their viability.

PV successfully managed this minority government for a full term.  In a similar exercise of discretion, President Shankar Dayal Sharma invited Vajpayee, as the leader of the largest party (BJP), to form the government. However, unlike PV, Vajpayee could not secure support and resigned after just 13 days. These instances highlight a shift from the Governor-level ‘atypical abuse’ seen in states to a more structured, though still debated, ‘largest party first’ convention at the Centre. 

The first instance in independent India where a party not securing an absolute majority was allowed to form a government was the Indian National Congress in the then Madras State in 1952 following Assembly Elections. C Rajagopalachari (Rajaji), was appointed in April by Governor Sri Prakasa, as Chief Minister, engineering defections and support shifts. Rajaji’s appointment was the extraordinary use of gubernatorial discretion, which experts considered the first major ‘Constitutional Impropriety’ in independent India. Interestingly Rajaji did not contest the elections and was not a member of upper house too.

To make him eligible as CM, Sri Prakasa nominated him as MLC under provisions meant for experts in fields like literature and social service. The Governor argued that his primary task was to ensure a stable government was formed, and he did not even consult Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. The primary motivation then, was to prevent a coalition led by the Communist Party of India (CPI) from taking power. Rajaji eventually won a vote of confidence three months later, which was the first time such a motion was moved in an Indian legislature.

The second significant instance of a party without an absolute majority forming a government occurred in Travancore Cochin in March 1952, just months after the Madras case. Similar to the Madras election, the first general election for the Travancore-Cochin Legislative Assembly resulted in a fractured verdict.  The Indian National Congress won 44 out of 108 seats, falling well short of a majority.

The Leftist United Front of Communists and Socialists emerged as a powerful bloc. To prevent the rise of the Communist Party, the minority Congress was allowed to form a coalition government with the Travancore Tamil Nadu Congress (TTNC) and independents. AJ John was sworn in as Chief Minister on March 12, 1952. 

While Madras is often remembered for Rajaji's individual manoeuvring, Travancore-Cochin was one of the earliest examples of a formal coalition where smaller regional parties (like the TTNC) held the balance of power. This minority-led arrangement was notoriously unstable. The government eventually fell in 1953 when the TTNC withdrew support over linguistic issues, leading to the dissolution of the assembly and fresh elections in 1954.

The third significant instance of a minority government formation in independent India occurred in PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States Union) in April 1952. Following the general elections for the 60-seat PEPSU Legislative Assembly, no single party reached the 31-seat threshold required for a majority. While the Indian National Congress (INC) with 26 seats emerged as the single largest party, it failed to secure an absolute majority, leading to the formation of the first-ever non-Congress government in a state in independent India.

The Akali Dal secured 19 seats. On April 22, 1952, Gian Singh Rarewala formed the government by stitching together a coalition called the United Democratic Front (UDF). This front was supported by the Akali Dal, CPI, Lal Communist Party, and various independents. Gian Singh Rarewala became the first non-Congress Chief Minister in independent India. Notably, he was also the uncle of the Maharaja of Patiala, who was serving as the state's Raj Pramukh (Governor).

The government relied on ‘conditional support’ from ideological opposites like the Communists and Akalis, making it inherently fragile. The Rarewala ministry faced constant threats of defection and internal friction. On March 5, 1953, his government was dismissed, and President's Rule was imposed, marking another historic first as the first time Article 356 was used to dismiss a state government.

Following the 1982 Haryana Legislative Assembly election, in one of the most cited examples of ‘Atypical Discretion,’ Governor GD Tapase invited the Indian National Congress to form the government despite a clear majority claim by an opposition alliance. In the 90-seat assembly, the Congress won 36 seats, while the Lok Dal-BJP alliance secured 37.

With support from independents, the Lok Dal leader, Devi Lal, presented 45 MLAs to the Governor as proof of a majority. Initially Devi Lal was asked to prove his strength on the floor, the Governor unexpectedly swore in Congress leader Bhajan Lal 24 hours earlier the offer given to Devi Lal. Governor justified his move on the ground that, Congress was the single largest party. Critics viewed it as a blatant manoeuvre allowing Congress to engineer defections.

Following the 2005 assembly elections, In the 81-seat assembly for Jharkhand, the BJP-led NDA secured exact majority mark), while the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and its allies were far behind. Surprisingly, the Governor Syed Sibte Razi invited JMM leader Shibu Soren to form the government. He gave Soren a long window to prove his majority, despite the NDA physically presenting their 41 MLAs at the Raj Bhavan to demonstrate their strength.

 The Supreme Court had to step in, ordering an expedited floor test and a video recording of the proceedings. Shibu Soren resigned after failing to gather support, and the NDA leader was eventually sworn in. These series of events in Madras, Travancore-Cochin, PEPSU, Haryana, Jharkhand, (as also PV, Vajpayee) etc. collectively established the early templates for minority governance and Governor’s use of discretionary powers to manage state-level political instability. These cases, alongside the 1994 SR Bommai case led to the firm convention that a government's majority must be tested on the floor of the House, not in the Governor's private chambers.

Exceptional Political Alteration in West Bengal : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 Exceptional Political Alteration in West Bengal

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (May 5, 2026)

Fifty-seven years ago, in 1969, I visited Borsul village in West Bengal’s Burdwan district to attend the All-India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) conference. At the time, the state was gripped by a profound political and social transformation. The United Front government, led by Ajoy Kumar Mukherjee of the Bangla Congress with the CPI(M) as its dominant partner, held power. Simultaneously, the Naxalbari Movement, radicalised by the Maoist ideology of Charu Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal, was rapidly emerging, challenging the very foundations of the established order.

That was the West Bengal I witnessed, a state then defined by a surging leftist ideology which has now remarkably shifted toward the Bharatiya Janata Party, its philosophical opposite. Furthermore, following the defeat of the CPI(M) in the Kerala Assembly elections, the Left Parties find themselves out of power across all states for the first time since 1977. This represents a profound setback not only for the Communist Movement but for all secular like-minded people throughout the country.

The facets of West Bengal’s movements only become clear by turning the pages of its political history. Both before and after Independence, the Communist Party provided the leading strength for mass agitations, such as the protests against tram fare hikes, the movement against PL 480 wheat imports, and the demand for bilateral talks during the 1962 conflict. From 1952 onward, leftist parties steadily gained momentum in the state, that eventually culminated in the rise of the CPI(M) led Left Front. Its thirty-four-year rule (seven consecutive terms), was the longest-serving democratically elected communist-led government in the world. Mamata’s All-India Trinamool Congress finally cracked the 'Red Fortress.’

Prafulla Chandra (PC) Ghosh was the first Chief Minister, followed by Bidhan Chandra (BC) Roy. In the 1967 elections, two coalitions: the United Left Front and the Peoples United Left Front, challenged the Congress Party. Post election, they merged into the United Front to form the first non-Congress government, with Ajoy Mukherjee of the Bangla Congress as Chief Minister and CPI (M) leader Jyoti Basu as Deputy Chief Minister.

In power from March 15, 1967 to November 2, 1967, the United Front was dismissed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Paradoxically, Gandhi had earlier orchestrated the 1959 dismissal of the EMS Namboodiripad Communist Government in Kerala on July 31, 1959, by pressuring her father Jawaharlal Nehru. Despite this history of undermining them, she later relied on Communist support to survive critical political crises. Such was the nature of Indian politics.

The 1959 dismissal of the EMS Namboodiripad ministry stands as an undemocratic assault on the popular will. By arbitrarily sacking the world’s first democratically elected communist government, the Centre established a blueprint for future Prime Ministers to topple state regimes through various unethical methods. This precedent fundamentally compromised federalism and potentially paved the way for the later manipulation of electoral outcomes in states like West Bengal.

After dismissing the United Front, the Centre installed PC Ghosh as Chief Minister for three months (November 2, 1967 to February 20, 1968), until his precarious position forced the imposition of Presidents Rule in early 1968. Although a mid-term election in 1969 returned Ajoy Mukherjee as Chief Minister (from February 25, 1969 to March 19, 1970), his second United Front Government was again dismissed by the Congress in March 1970. This cycle of displacement had, by then, become standard practice in the federal relationship between Centre and West Bengal.

The Chief Architect of this strategy was Siddhartha Shankar Ray, who held the ‘Atypical Union Portfolio for West Bengal Affairs.’ Following a year of Presidents Rule (March 19, 1970 to April 2, 1971), the 1971 mid-term elections saw the CPI (M) emerge as the single largest party. However, the Governor bypassed the popular mandate to facilitate another Congress Government with PC Ghosh as Chief Minister (April 2, 1971 to June 28, 1971), which lasted barely three months before the state was once again placed under ten months President’s Rule.

The 1972 elections, orchestrated by the duo of Indira Gandhi and Siddhartha Shankar Ray, brought profound disrepute to democracy. Through a strategy of large-scale booth capturing, rampant bogus voting, and counting irregularities, the process mirrored contemporary electoral grievances. Driven by a determination to block the CPI (M) from power, Indira Gandhi employed every unethical measure available to ensure the opposition was systematically sidelined.

Although the CPI (M) led Left Front contested the 1972 elections, large scale irregularities forced a boycott on polling day. Consequently, the Congress claimed 216 seats while the CPI (M) secured only 14 (More or less akin to latest results), leading the opposition to resolve against entering the Assembly. Siddhartha Shankar Ray’s subsequent tenure institutionalized a culture of state sponsored political violence and electoral manipulation, serving as a laboratory for the centralized control Indira Gandhi would later impose nationwide.

Ray’s tenure altered West Bengal’s democratic landscape by demonstrating how administrative overreach and strategic exclusion could neutralize grassroots rivals. This established a precedent for the orchestrated political contests that still define the states’ power struggles. When Indira Gandhi relaxed the Emergency and conducted general elections in 1977, the CPI (M) contested in alliance with the Janata Coalition and achieved a resounding victory.

In the subsequent Assembly elections, the Left Front contested independently and won 243 seats, forming a non-Congress government under Jyoti Basu. After leading the coalition to five consecutive victories and serving as Chief Minister for twenty-three years, Basu stepped down in 2000, handing leadership to Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. Basu established a record for the longest tenure as state Chief Minister at the time. Bhattacharjee then continued the Left Front rule until his eventual defeat in 2011.

In 1997, Mamata Banerjee founded the All India Trinamool Congress, quickly becoming the primary challenger to the CPI (M). She pursued every possible avenue to unseat them, including alternating alliances with the NDA and Congress, holding Union Cabinet positions, and leading intense agitations against state policies. These efforts gained momentum after the 2006 Assembly setback and a joint 2009 Lok Sabha victory, finally culminating in decisive pre final successes in the municipal and Kolkata Corporation elections which signalled the impending collapse of the Left Front.

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee successfully held the Trinamool Congress at bay for years but eventually faced a decisive defeat. Following the 1977 exit of Siddhartha Shankar Ray, a loyal Indira Gandhi associate, the Congress spent over three decades failing to reclaim its lost ground despite intense efforts. It was the Trinamool Congress under Mamata Banerjee that finally achieved this feat, breaking the Left Front dominance to assume power for the first time in the 2011 elections.

Mamata Banerjee did not rise to power by chance. Her ascent was the result of persistent struggle, leading voters to entrust her with three consecutive mandates in 2011, 2016, and 2021. For fifteen years, the people of Bengal have reposed their faith in her leadership against significant odds. Her national prominence began decades earlier when she emerged as a formidable leader by defeating CPI (M) stalwart Somnath Chatterjee to enter Parliament for the first time.

Through triumph and disaster, whether holding Union portfolios or navigating shifting alliances with the Congress and BJP, Mamata Banerjee maintained an unwavering presence in Bengal politics. This persistence eventually defined her success. However, as long as Jyoti Basu led the state, her efforts remained largely in vain. For twenty-three+ years, West Bengal experienced what many consider a golden era under his leadership, a period of stability that initially resisted her rising challenge.

The Left’s ideological rule yielded to Trinamool Congress: Congress offspring, and eventually to the Bharatiya Janata Party, which captured power with a massive majority driven by a religious nationalist plank. Such a total transformation remains unique to Indian Democracy. Ultimately, the Trinamool Congress has been left facing a severe defeat. West Bengal in waiting!

Rama and Lakshmana in Mithila >>> A Deeply Enriched Contemporary Retelling of Valmiki’s Timeless Episode >>> Simplified and faithful rendering of the Adi Kavya-21 : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 Rama and Lakshmana in Mithila

A Deeply Enriched Contemporary Retelling

of Valmiki’s Timeless Episode

Simplified and faithful rendering of the Adi Kavya-21

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

The journey of Rama and Lakshmana into the sacred land of Mithila is one of those luminous passages in the Ramayana where destiny silently rearranges itself. It is here that avatars meet sages, seekers meet mentors, and righteousness meets the disciplined force of inner transformation. This episode is not merely a story of two princes entering a foreign kingdom, it is a lesson in humility, cultural hospitality, the importance of righteous leadership, and the lifelong journey from ego to enlightenment.

For today’s readers, especially young Indians growing up abroad, this moment in the Ramayana mirrors the timeless truth that guidance, character, and values can illuminate life even in unfamiliar lands. The narrative transcends geography, reminding us that spiritual culture is carried in one’s heart, not in one’s surroundings.

Rama and Lakshmana proceeded toward the auspicious northeastern direction, following Sage Vishvamitra like two radiant stars guided by a brilliant sun. They reached Nandam in the Mithila kingdom, a place pulsating with Vedic energy, for thousands of Ritwiks had assembled there to assist King Janaka’s Grandeur Yajna. Vishvamitra arranged a serene and well-prepared campsite for the princes, assuring them that every requirement had already been taken care of. Upon hearing of the Great Sage’s arrival, King Janaka, accompanied by the revered royal priest Shatananda, personally came to greet him with profound respect. In our own times, such respectful reception reminds of the Indian ethos that honors wisdom above status, an ethos that remains relevant across continents and generations.

After the greetings, Vishvamitra inquired tenderly about the wellbeing of Janaka’s kingdom, the welfare of saints and scholars, and the smooth progress of the ongoing Ritual. At Janaka’s request, he took his seat, followed by Janaka, Shatananda, Ministers, and several Ritwiks. Janaka expressed his immense joy, saying that, the Gods themselves had blessed his Yajna, by sending Vishvamitra. The king revealed that twelve more days remained before the ceremony concluded and earnestly requested the sage to stay until the end. This reflects the timeless belief that Rituals become powerful not through elaborate materials but through the presence of noble-hearted souls.

Soon, Janaka’s attention turned toward two youthful warriors standing by Vishvamitra’s side, who were none other than Rama and Lakshmana. Comparing them to valiant elephants, fearless lions, and fierce tigers, the king spoke of their strength, composure, and divine radiance. Their bows, swords, and quivers glistened like ornaments of duty. Vishvamitra introduced them as the noble sons of King Dasharatha and briefly narrated the events that brought them to Mithila, including the sanctification of Ahalya and her reunion with Sage Gautama. The king’s admiration reminds modern readers that youth shines brightest when discipline and humility accompany strength.

Shatananda, the eldest son of Ahalya and Gautama, listened with rapt attention. When he heard Vishvamitra recount the redemption of his mother, Shatananda’s heart overflowed with joy. He rejoiced to know that Rama had blessed Ahalya and that his father Gautama had returned from the Himalayas to honor Rama. Vishvamitra, however, gently remarked that he had only performed his duty with diligence, leaving nothing undone. True greatness remains humble, something our achievement-driven world often forgets.

Turning to Rama, Shatananda declared that the prince’s arrival was an auspicious blessing not just for Mithila but for the entire world. He praised Vishvamitra, describing him as unmatched in penance and the only sage to have risen to the rank of Brahmarshi through sheer determination. He assured Rama that their journey would culminate in great good fortune, for the very presence of such a sage signaled divine grace. Mentorship plays a crucial role in every era as the right guide can shape destinies across centuries.

Shatananda then volunteered to narrate the illustrious story of Vishvamitra, a tale of transformation, conflict, penance, and ultimate self-conquest. He described the sage as righteous, skilled in governance, devoted to public welfare, fearless in battle, and once a mighty king before renouncing worldly power. These narratives remind that, personal evolution is not a sudden event but a lifelong journey.

Shatananda began by recounting that Vishvamitra was the son of Gadhi, descended from King Kusha, the son of Prajapati. Vishvamitra once set out across the world with his enormous Akshauhini army-over 21870 elephants, equal number of chariots, 65610 cavalry, and 109350 infantry. During these travels, he approached the hermitage of Sage Vasishta, which shone with celestial radiance and tranquility, resembling Brahma’s divine abode on earth. It is a reminder that even the powerful instinctively recognize and are drawn toward places of peace and wisdom.

Vasishta warmly welcomed the king, offering him a high seat, fruits, and hospitality. Initially reluctant to trouble the sage, Vishvamitra accepted the invitation. Hospitality in Indian culture extends beyond formal courtesy. It is a spiritual offering, a gesture of genuine welcome. To honor his guest, Vasishta summoned his divine cow Shabala, the Kamadhenu, requesting her to provide a grand feast. Shabala obeyed with devotion, instantly generating rich and delightful food tailored to the tastes of each soldier. Kamadhenu symbolically represents nature’s abundance-nature that responds generously when treated with reverence.

What Shabala produced was, exquisite delicacies: sugarcane, honey, cereals, rice-flakes, beverages, milk products, and thousands of ornate dishes filled with preparations representing the six traditional tastes. Food in ancient epics is symbolic, and it nourishes not only the body but also the spirit and community. Amazed by the cow’s ability, Vishvamitra wished to acquire Shabala. He offered Vasishta a hundred thousand cows in exchange and argued that the miraculous cow rightly belonged to a king. Vasishta, however, politely but firmly refused, explaining that Shabala was inseparable from him and the source of his hermitage’s wellbeing. This teaches the modern lesson that the most precious things, wisdom, faith, and relationships cannot be bought.

Unwilling to accept refusal, Vishvamitra attempted to seize Shabala by force. Distressed, the cow tearfully questioned Vasishta as to whether he had abandoned her. The sage reassured her instantly, revealing his deep compassion and unwavering bond with the divine cow. Even today, relationships built on loyalty are far more valuable than forced ownership. Shabala explained the imbalance between political power and spiritual authority. She reminded Vasishta that sovereignty bows before sagacity and that even kings cannot rightfully seize what belongs to a sage. This moment resonates even now: ethics must temper power, or power becomes destructive.

Seeking the sage’s permission to defend herself, Shabala unleashed a powerful artificial army, the Pahlava warriors, who decimated Vishvamitra’s forces. Symbolically, nature and righteousness rise to defend themselves when unjustly attacked. Enraged, Vishvamitra retaliated with powerful weaponry. Yet Shabala created successive waves of more formidable armies, overwhelming the king’s forces. This battle illustrates the futility of confronting moral truth with brute force.

Shabala generated Kambojas, Pahlavas, Yavanas, Shakas, Mlechhas, and Kirathas, each as the diverse and mighty warriors who destroyed the remnants of Vishvamitra’s army. Strength is magnified through unity of diverse forces, a message highly relevant in today’s multicultural world. Witnessing devastation, Vishvamitra’s hundred sons attacked Vasishta but were instantly annihilated by the sage’s spiritual energy. Shattered, the king handed his kingdom to his surviving son and went to the Himalayas to undertake severe austerities, determined to gain the power needed to surpass Vasishta. Adversity often becomes the catalyst for transformation. Thus, Vishvamitra’s defeat sowed the seed of his future greatness.

Moved by his penance, Lord Shiva appeared and granted Vishvamitra mastery over celestial weapons, sacred doctrines, and the knowledge possessed by gods, demons, sages, and celestial beings. Empowered with Divine Astras, he returned to challenge Vasishta.
But knowledge without purification of ego can become dangerous, an important reminder for the information-saturated age. Vishvamitra unleashed destructive Astras, burning the hermitage surroundings and causing the sages to flee. Vasishta emerged with his glowing Brahma-Danda, symbolizing the highest spiritual authority. True wisdom requires no ornament, but it shines through presence alone.

Ignoring warnings, Vishvamitra launched Agneyastra and other devastating missiles. Vasishta absorbed each one, declaring the superiority of Brahminic wisdom over martial strength. Wisdom does not fight force, but It always neutralizes it through a higher understanding. Finally, Vishvamitra invoked the dreaded Brahmastra, terrifying even celestial beings. Vasishta absorbed this ultimate weapon as well, his form blazing like cosmic fire. Seeing this, all sages worshiped him. This symbolizes that inner mastery can withstand even the strongest external threat.

Defeated utterly, Vishvamitra realized that true greatness lies in overcoming one’s own mind, not external enemies. He embarked on deeper penance, fathered four sons, and eventually received from Brahma the title ‘Rajarshi.’ But he still felt incomplete, since his inner journey was not finished. External titles often fail to satisfy because real fulfillment comes only from inner transformation.

Resolute and humbled, Vishvamitra pressed on with a more rigorous penance to achieve Brahmarshi status, and thus, determined to conquer his senses and rise to the highest spiritual plane. His journey was long, filled with trials, but it ultimately paved the way for the sage the world reveres today. His transformation from an ambitious king to a seeker of spiritual truth stands as one of the greatest journeys of self-conquest in world literature. His story mirrors humanity’s eternal quest: to rise above ego, embrace humility, and discover one’s divine potential.

The arrival of Rama and Lakshmana in Mithila, paired with the profound narration of Vishvamitra’s evolution, is not merely an episode in the Ramayana, but it is a meditation on human growth. It is equally an apt prelude to the grand events that follow. It shows that humility amplifies strength, guidance shapes destiny, and inner mastery transcends all power. In an age of rapid change, shifting cultures, and global dispersion of Indian families, this narrative offers young readers a compass, and a reminder that dharma, integrity, respect, and perseverance remain timeless values, transforming ordinary lives into extraordinary journeys.

{{From my Published Book ‘Simplified and Faithful Rendering of the Adi Kavya’

Valmiki Ramayana: The Greatest Epic (Bala and Ayodhya Kandas)}}

(This Book is free of cost for all those who are interested to read the English Version of Valmiki Ramayana, provided they collect it from me in person preferably. Mobile: 8008137012)

>>>>>Photos courtesy Rama Bhakta Vijaya Raghava Dasu

The Grit of Silver Screen Based Leadership >>>>> Deciphering the Historic Disruption in Tamil Nadu : Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao

 The Grit of Silver Screen Based Leadership

Deciphering the Historic Disruption in Tamil Nadu

Vanam Jwala Narasimha Rao (May 4, 2026)

At 78, my perspective, forged over six decades of witnessing political tides, captures a profound shift currently unfolding in Tamil Nadu. The rise of actor-turned-politician Vijay and his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in these Assembly elections has, for the first time in decades, rendered the established DMK-AIADMK duopoly redundant. Emerging as the largest force, TVK is now touching the magic figure of 118. This echoes MGR’s historic 1977 ascent, where cinematic grit transitioned into an independent political movement, successfully dismantling long-standing power structures to redefine the state's destiny.

Many stars entered politics as a ‘Pastime,’ often seeking Rajya Sabha seats or ministerial roles. Legends like Kongara Jaggaiah, Krishna, Jamuna, and Murali Mohan utilized their popularity to serve as MPs. Others, including Chiranjeevi, Dasari Narayana Rao, and Krishnam Raju, reached higher rungs of governance but typically navigated through mergers or existing alliances. In contrast, NTR, MGR, and Jayalalithaa redefined the landscape, bypassing established structures to head state governments as Chief Ministers.

‘Grit’ is what separates a guest appearance from a leading role. While Kamal Haasan struggled to convert cinematic charisma into a statewide electoral sweep, Vijay's performance today suggests a more disciplined, grassroots organizational ‘Grit.’ Historical analysis reveals that while many stars remain ‘One-Hit Wonders’ in the political arena, others possess a rare tenacity that reshapes the state's map, moving beyond mere popularity to command true executive authority.

For instance, the ‘Captain’ of Grit, Padma Bhushan Vijayakanth, arguably laid the blueprint now adopted by Vijay’s TVK. Unlike those joining established parties, Vijayakanth launched DMDK in 2005 and became Leader of the Opposition in 2011, pushing the DMK to third place. It was a monumental achievement that TVK Vijay aimed to surpass, and today, he did. While Vijayakanth was a ‘Middle-Rank’ hero challenging giants through raw, grassroots connection, this ‘Top-Rank’ hero has now successfully scaled the peak of executive power.

The perseverance of Pawan Kalyan is the ultimate ‘Grit over Pastime’ story. After his brother Chiranjeevi’s party merged into Congress, many dismissed the family's political future. Pawan Kalyan's Jana Sena suffered a crushing defeat in 2019, yet he stayed the course for a decade without a personal win. His tenacity eventually led the party to a historic sweep in 2024, securing a significant seat count and his current role as Deputy Chief Minister. This journey proves that staying power eventually triumphs over celebrity.

Udhayanidhi Stalin’s story follows a reverse trajectory. A successful actor and producer, he transitioned from the silver screen to become the Deputy Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, representing the next generation’s ‘Grit’ within the DMK. However, his ‘Introverted Rhetoric’ on sensitive ‘Sanatana Dharma’ is perceived by many as a pivotal factor in the party’s current electoral retreat. Unless this message percolates through the DMK and AIADMK ideologies, their political dominance may remain in a state of suspense.

In unambiguous contrast to Udhayanidhi Stalin’s rhetoric, Vijay’s ascent marks a sophisticated evolution from mere cinema-driven charisma to a calculated political insurgency. His Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) transitioned the narrative from the ‘Pastime’ of star-worship to a rigorous challenge against static dogmas, notably distinguishing itself through a temperate approach to religious sensibilities. For the first time, a debutant party has shaken the Dravidian Giants ‘Lock, Stock, and Barrel,’ fundamentally altering the state’s political equilibrium.

Vijay’s specific brand of secularism, termed ‘Secular Social Justice,’ represents a deliberate departure from the traditional anti-God stance of early Dravidian movements. Unlike the confrontational rhetoric recently seen from the DMK, Vijay’s approach is characterized by inclusive spirituality. While TVK adopts icons like Periyar, it explicitly rejects the atheism traditionally associated with pure Dravidianism. Vijay maintains that true faith sows good faith and respect for others’ beliefs, positioning faith in God as a unifying rather than a divisive force for the people.

His campaign featured high-profile visits to temples, churches, and dargahs, including the Tiruchendur Murugan Temple, Velankanni Church, and Nagore Dargah. By offering prayers across all faiths, he appealed to religious voters previously alienated by harsher secularist rhetoric. Observing closely, Vijay utilized biblical and spiritual narratives to underscore a message of brotherhood. His party’s foundational slogan, ‘All are equal by birth,’ focused on equality and communal harmony, successfully avoiding ideological conflict with religion while championing a more inclusive social fabric.

Another vital factor in his victory is a strategy targeting the ‘Under-40’ electorate, which comprises nearly 40% of voters. This ‘Enthralling Precedent’ is more than a movie star winning; it signifies the collapse of a decades-old binary. For fifty years, Tamil Nadu remained an Either-Or’ state between the DMK and AIADMK. Vijay’s ‘Grit’ lies in his absolute refusal to be a junior partner, successfully shattering the two-fold power structure.

By contesting all seats, he forced the ‘Old Guard’ to re-evaluate their saturation point, echoing NTR’s legendary disruption. Regardless of whether he emerges as Chief Minister or a formidable opposition leader, Vijay's ascent has already achieved the seemingly impossible: establishing a permanent three-cornered reality in the heart of Dravidian Politics and forever dismantling the traditional two-party hegemony.

Beyond Southern icons, several Northern figures embody the philosophy that ‘Grit’ outweighs ‘Pastime.’ While many stars entered politics for a brief season, those who endured shifted from cinematic stardom to rigorous grassroots leadership. Stalwarts like Sunil Dutt, Vinod Khanna, and Shatrughan Sinha, the ‘Long-Distance Runners,’ mirrored the commitment of NTR or MGR. By moving beyond screen identities, they became permanent political fixtures, proving that tenacity is the true currency of power.

Sunil Dutt remains a legendary example of moral grit, joining Congress in 1984, winning five parliamentary terms, and serving as a Union Minister. Similarly, Shatrughan Sinha transitioned from a silver-screen villain to a Union Cabinet Minister, showcasing endurance through political shifts from the BJP to Congress and eventually the TMC. Raj Babbar further exemplifies this ‘Grit,’ serving three Lok Sabha and two Rajya Sabha terms. His journey from the Samajwadi Party to leading the UPCC demonstrates how these actors became indispensable, long-term fixtures in national governance.

Vinod Khanna, a four-time MP, and Bhojpuri stars Manoj Tiwari and Ravi Kishan achieved what many Bollywood icons could not: long-term electoral dominance. Kerala’s Suresh Gopi and Karnataka’s Ambareesh further exemplify this persistence. In contrast, the ‘Descending’ of stars is best shown by Amitabh Bachchan. Despite a record-breaking 1984 win, he resigned after three years, later calling politics a ‘Cesspool.’ Similarly, Dharmendra and Govinda had brief stints as MPs but returned to cinema, unable or unwilling to maintain the ‘Grit’ required for the long haul. Their departures highlight the chasm between cinematic popularity and political staying power.

Just as Vijay disrupted the DMK-AIADMK dominance through organizational discipline, successful Northern Leaders endured by shedding the greasepaint. They traded the ‘Pastime’ of a celebrity campaigner for the ‘Grit’ of a dedicated parliamentarian. Though they did not head state governments, their lasting impact came from choosing the rigours of governance over the vanity of stardom.

Returning to Tamil Nadu, we must remember those whose ‘Grit’ didn't lead to the CM's chair but who paved the way. Sivaji Ganesan was a colossus on screen but faced immense political hurdles. Initially associated with the DMK, he later joined Congress and served in the Rajya Sabha. However, his struggle to forge an independent identity through Thamizhaga Munnetra Munnani ultimately ended in a merger with the Janata Dal. His journey exemplifies how historically difficult it was to dismantle the formidable MGR-Karunanidhi domination of the state.

TVK’s performance marks a historic debut, as no actor since MGR in 1977 and NTR in 1983 could make such a massive impact in their first election. By emerging as the single largest party, Vijay has shattered the long-standing Dravidian Hegemony. This victory signals a generational shift, fundamentally redefining the political equilibrium of Tamil Nadu, perhaps, everlastingly.

కృష్ణార్జునులే నరనారాయణులని చెప్పిన శ్రీమన్నారాయణుడు >>>>> శ్రీ మహాభాగవత కథ-84 : వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

 కృష్ణార్జునులే నరనారాయణులని చెప్పిన శ్రీమన్నారాయణుడు

శ్రీ మహాభాగవత కథ-84

వనం జ్వాలా నరసింహారావు

సూర్యదినపత్రిక (మే నెల 4, 2026)

కంII              చదివెడిది భాగవతమిది,

చదివించును కృష్ణు, డమృతఝరి పోతనయున్

                               చదివినను ముక్తి కలుగును,

చదివెద నిర్విఘ్నరీతి ‘జ్వాలా’ మతినై

శ్రీకృష్ణుడు నివసిస్తున్న ద్వారకానగరంలో, ఒకనాడు, ఒక భూసురుడు తన కుమారుడు పుట్టగానే చనిపోవడంతో ఆ మృత శిశువును రాజద్వారం దగ్గర పడుకోబెట్టి, తానేంపాపం చేశానని ఏడ్వసాగాడు. ఏడ్వడంతో పాటు, రాజును నిందించసాగాడు. బ్రాహ్మణులపట్ల విద్వేషంతో శాస్త్రానుసారంగా ప్రవర్తించక, పాపాత్ముడైన రాజు పాలనలో, ఆ నరపతి చేసిన పాపాలవల్లే తన పుత్రుడు పుట్టగానే చనిపోయాడని, విషయలోలుడైన రాజు రాజ్యంలో ప్రజలు దుఃఖాల పాలవుతారని అంటూ అక్కడినుండి వెళ్లిపోయాడు. ఇలా ఆ బ్రాహ్మణుడి పుత్రులు పుట్టగానే చనిపోవడం, చనిపోగానే మృత శరీరం తెచ్చి రాజద్వారం దగ్గర పెట్టి అతడు ఏడ్వడం, తనను తానే తిట్టుకుంటూ వెళ్లిపోవడం జరుగుతుండేది. అలా ఎనిమిది మంది చనిపోయిన తరువాత తొమ్మిదో కొడుకు కూడా చనిపోవడంతో ఆ శిశువును ఎప్పటిలాగే రాజద్వారం దగ్గర పెట్టి ఏడ్వసాగాడు.

అర్జునుడు ఆ బ్రాహ్మణుడిని చూశాడు. బ్రాహ్మణుడి పుత్రుడిని తానిప్పుడే బతికిస్తానని అన్నాడు. అలా చేయలేకపోతే అగ్నిలో పడి దేహత్యాగం చేస్తానని అన్నాడు. ఆ మాటలకు ఆశ్చర్యపోయిన బ్రాహ్మణుడు అర్జునుడి మాటలను వెర్రి మాటలుగా కొట్టిపారేశాడు. శ్రీకృష్ణుడు, ప్రద్యుమ్నుడు, అనిరుద్ధుడు, బలరాముడు, అనేకమంది యాదవ వీరులు చేయలేని పని ఆయనెలా చేస్తాడని ప్రశ్నించాడు. బ్రాహ్మణుడు అలా అనగానే, దురహంకారంతో అర్జునుడు, తాను వారిలో ఎవరినీ కాదని, గాండీవమనే ధనుస్సుగల ప్రచండ పరాక్రమంతో విరాజిల్లే ఆర్జునుడినని, సాక్షాత్తు పరమేశ్వరుడిని జయించిన మేటి వీరుడినని, మృత్యుదేవత గర్వాన్ని అణచి బ్రాహ్మణుడి పుత్రులను తెచ్చి ఇస్తానని పలికాడు. అర్జునుడి మీద విశ్వాసంతో బ్రాహ్మణుడు ఇంటికి పోయాడు.

కొన్నాళ్లకు విప్రుడి భార్య మళ్లీ ప్రసవ వేదన పడుతుంటే ఆమె భర్త అర్జునుడి దగ్గరికి వచ్చి విషయం తెలియచేశాడు. అర్జునుడప్పుడు శివుడిని ప్రార్థించి, మంత్రదేవతలను ఆరాధించి, గాండీవాన్ని ఎక్కుపెట్టాడు. బ్రాహ్మణుడి వెంట ఆయన ఇంటికి వెళ్లి, గృహం చుట్టూ బాణాలతో ఎవరూ ప్రవేశించడానికి వీలుకాకుండా గోడ కట్టాడు. మృత్యుదేవత ప్రవేశించకుండా కాపలా కాశాడు. ఇంతలో బ్రాహ్మణుడి భార్య మృత శిశువును కన్నది. వింతగా పుట్టిన ఆ శిశువు శరీరంతో సహా ఆకాశంలోకి పోయి మాయమయ్యాడు. ఆ పరిస్థితికి తట్టుకోలేక బ్రాహ్మణుడు శ్రీకృష్ణుడి దగ్గరకు వెళ్లి మొరపెట్టుకున్నాడు. అర్జునుడు విఫలమైన సంగతి కూడా చెప్పి, అతడి పౌరుషాన్ని ఎద్దేవా చేశాడు.

బ్రాహ్మణుడు తనను నిందించడం సహించలేని అర్జునుడు తన దివ్యమహిమతో యమధర్మరాజు నివాసానికి పోయాడు. అక్కడ బ్రాహ్మణ పుత్రులు లేరని తెలుసుకుని, అక్కడి నుండి సమస్త లోకాలకు వెళ్లి వారికొరకు వెతికాడు. ఎక్కడా వారి జాడలేదు. భూలోకానికి వచ్చి తన శపథం నెరవేరనందున అగ్నిప్రవేశం చేయడానికి సిద్ధమయ్యాడు. శ్రీకృష్ణుడు వచ్చి ఆర్జునుడిని అగ్ని ప్రవేశం చేయకుండా ఆపి, బ్రాహ్మణ పుత్రులను చూపిస్తానని అన్నాడు. తనతో రమ్మన్నాడు. కృష్ణుడి రథం ఎక్కాడు అర్జునుడు. రథం మీద పోతూ-పోతూ ద్వీపాలు, కులపర్వతాలు, చివరకు మేరు పర్వతం కూడా దాటి, మహాంధకారంతో నిండి వున్న ఒక ప్రదేశానికి సమీపించారు కృష్ణార్జునులు. ఇంకా పోగా-పోగా దట్టమైన చీకటి అలుముకున్న ఒక ప్రదేశం తగిలింది. గుర్రాలకు దారి కనబడలేదు.

ఆ చీకటిని ఛేదించాలనుకున్నాడు కృష్ణుడు. తన చక్రాయుధాన్ని పంపాడు. అది ఆ చిమ్మచీకటిని నరికి వేస్తూ, దారి చూపిస్తుంటే, దాన్ని దాటారు కృష్ణార్జునులు. అప్పుడు కనిపించిన ఒక దివ్య తేజస్సును చూసి అర్జునుడు కళ్లు మూసుకున్నాడు. ఆ తరువాత వారిరువురూ మహా గంభీరమైన ఒక జలంలోకి ప్రవేశించారు. ఆ నీటి మధ్య భాగంలో  కోటి సూర్యకాంతులతో తేజరిల్లుతున్న ఒక దివ్య భవనం కనిపించింది వారికి. ఆ మహాభవనం అనంతమైన తేజస్సుతో, మోక్షమార్గాన్ని నిర్దేశిస్తూ, అత్యద్భుతంగా దర్శనమిచ్చింది. అక్కడ తెల్లటి దేహకాంతితో మెరిసిపోతున్న సహస్ర ఫణీంద్రుడైన ఆదిశేషుడిని చూశారు. శేషతల్పం మీద కూర్చుని, శోభాయమానంగా వున్న పుండరీకాక్షుడిని దర్శిస్తూ ఆ దేవదేవుడి సన్నిధానం చేరారిద్దరూ.

దివ్యతేజస్సుతో ప్రకాశిస్తున్న కమలాక్షుడిని, భూదేవి-శ్రీదేవిలతో కూడి వున్నవాడిని, ఆదిమద్యాంతాలు లేనివాడిని, సృష్టిస్థితిలయకారుడిని, జ్ఞానరూపుడిని చూసిన కృష్ణార్జునులు ఆయనకు సాష్టాంగ నమస్కారాలు చేశారు. పరంధాముడిని స్తుతించారు. ఆ పురాణ పురుషుడు, సాక్షాత్తు శ్రీమన్నారాయణుడు, కృష్ణార్జునులను చూసి, భూమాత భారం తగ్గించడానికి, దుష్ట సంహారానికి, వారిద్దరూ తన అంశతో భూమ్మీద నరనారాయణులుగా అవతరించారానీ, కార్యోన్ముఖులైన వారిని చూడాలని మహర్షులు కోరినందున వారి కోరిక తీర్చడానికి బ్రాహ్మణ పుత్రులను తీసుకువచ్చామని, ఆ పుత్రులను తీసుకుపోవడానికి నరనారాయణులు తన దగ్గరికి రావాలని ఈ పని చేశామని అన్నాడు. ఇలా చెప్పి ఆ బాలురను అప్పగించాడు. శ్రీమన్నారాయణుడిని అనేక విధాలుగా స్తుతిస్తూ, నమస్కారం చేసి ద్వారకా నగరానికి బయల్దేరారు కృష్ణార్జునులు. బాలురను తీసుకువచ్చి, వారిని వారి వయస్సుకు తగ్గ విధంగా రూపొందించి, వారి తల్లిదండ్రులకు అప్పగించారు కృష్ణార్జునులు.

ఆ తరువాత ప్రజలు ప్రస్తుతించే విధంగా శ్రీకృష్ణుడు వైదిక మార్గానుసారంగా అనేక యజ్ఞయాగాదులు చేశాడు. ఆ విధంగా రాజ్యపాలన చేస్తూ, శ్రీకృష్ణుడు ద్వారకానగరంలో దేవేంద్ర వైభవంతో అలరారాడు. తన పదహారువేల నూట ఎనిమిది మంది భార్యలతో మనోజ్ఞంగా విహరించాడు. వారంతా కృష్ణుడే తమ సర్వస్వంగా భావించి ఆయన సన్నిధానంలోనే నిలిచి పోయారు. వేదాలలో చెప్పబడినట్లు శ్రీకృష్ణుడు గృహస్తాశ్రమ ధర్మాన్ని సక్రమంగా నిర్వహించాడు. గృహస్తులకు తానే మార్గదర్శిగా నిలిచి, సంసారిలాగా జీవితాన్ని గడిపాడు. శ్రీకృష్ణుడు ఒక్కొక్క భార్యయందు పదిమంది పుత్రులను కన్నాడు. పట్టమహిషి రుక్మిణీదేవి మొదలైన అష్ట భార్యలకు పుట్టిన పద్దెనిమిది మంది కుమారులు బలపరాక్రమాలలో ప్రసిద్ధి చెందారు. అలా సుప్రసిద్దులుగా కీర్తించబడిన పద్దెనిమిదిమంది ప్రద్యుమ్నాదులే కాకుండా, త్రివక్ర వల్ల జన్మించిన ఉపశ్లోకుడనే పుత్రుడు అఖండమైన దివ్య జ్ఞానాన్ని సుముపార్జించాడు. అతడే, ‘సాత్త్వతతంత్రం’ అనే వైష్ణవ స్మృతిని బోధించి స్మరణమాత్రం చేతనే మోక్షం లభించే మార్గాన్ని తెలియచెప్పాడు. శ్రీకృష్ణుడి పుత్రులు ఈ విధంగా మహావీరులై, చిరంజీవులై, బ్రహ్మజ్ఞాన సంపన్నులై, కీర్తికెక్కారు.

ఇదిలా వుండగా, దేవాసుర యుద్ధంలో హతులైన రాక్షసులు ద్వాపరయుగంలో రాజులుగా జన్మించి ప్రజలను బాధలకు గురి చేయడం వల్ల, శ్రీమహావిష్ణువు ఆజ్ఞానుసారం దేవతలు యదుకులంలో జన్మించారు. యాదవ కులంలో జన్మించిన దేవతలు మొత్తం నూటా ఒక్క కులాలవారీగా పరిగణించబడ్డారు. ఆ యాదవ వంశంలోనే శ్రీకృష్ణుడు జన్మించాడు. శ్రీకృష్ణుడికి, రుక్మిణీదేవికి పుట్టిన ప్రద్యుమ్నుడి సంతతి వాడే శ్రుతసేనుడు. ఈ విధంగా యదు, వృష్ణి, భోజ, అంధక వంశాలు పరమ పవిత్రంగా వర్ధిల్లాయి. కృష్ణ పరమాత్మతో కాలం గడుపుతూ వారంతా సంతృప్తిగా వున్నారు.

సకల శుభాలను ప్రసాదించే శ్రీకృష్ణ కథ అనే అమృత రసాన్ని అత్యంత భక్తితో పానం  చేసిన పుణ్యాత్ములు ఇహలోకంలో సకల సుఖ సౌఖ్యాలను పొంది, చివరకు పాప విముక్తులై, విష్ణు పదమైన మోక్ష సామ్రాజ్యాన్ని చేరుకుంటారు.                                              

                (బమ్మెర పోతన శ్రీమహాభాగవతం, రామకృష్ణ మఠం ప్రచురణ ఆధారంగా)